CHAP. XLII.

GEORGE III. (CONTINUED.)-1799.

Committee of secresy; new bill of restriction and other regulations His majesty's message to parliament respecting a union with Ireland-Discussion, and address carried-The subject introduced into the Irish legislature, &c.-Government influence used in favor of it, &c.-Renewal of the subject in the British parliament-Mr. Pitt's resolutions as a basis of the measure--Conference between the two houses-Debates in the lords-Speech of the lord-lieutenant at the prorogation of the Irish parliament-Supplimentary militia- Mr. Wilberforce's annual motion-Parliament prorogued-King's speech-Affairs of India-Lord Teignmouth's policy--Administration of the marquis Wellesley-Efforts of the new coalition in EuropeFrench system of attack Operations in Germany under Jourdan, who is defeated-Massena takes the commandOperations in Italy and Switzerland-Events in Naples and Rome-Joint British and Russian expedition to HollandCapture of Surinam-Exploits of the British navy-Buonaparte's conduct in Egypt-His flight to France, and establishment of a new government-Meeting of the British parliament; supplies, militia bill, &c.-State of the public mind inclined toward peace-Correspondence on this subject between Napoleon and the British government.

THE suppression of jacobinical principles at home being considered equally necessary with the prosecution of foreign war, the report of a committee of secresy, appointed to inquire into the proceedings of British and Irish associations, led to a new bill of restriction: the committee imputed the mutiny of the fleet, and other evils, to these dangerous combinations, which held close communication with the French government; and they gave it as their opinion, that an insurrection of the most alarming nature was meditated in London at the time of the Irish rebellion, which was only prevented by the seizure of certain leaders, and the timidity of others. Following the

advice given by the framers of this report, Mr. Pitt proposed, that his majesty should be empowered to transfer to any eligible place within the realm persons detained on suspicion of treasonable practices, in order to prevent that facility of organising and carrying on conspiracies, which the metropolis and other large towns afforded he also advised that such societies should be declared illegal, and those who continued members of them be subjected to fine or imprisonment, and in aggravated cases to transportation: debating clubs also were put under strict regulations; and to prevent the propagation of sedition through the press, the names of printers were required to be affixed to every publication. This bill, though strenuously opposed, was carried by large majorities. Not long previously, his majesty had showed his marked displeasure against one of the most eminent politicians of the day, whose conduct was considered as affording encouragement to sedition among the lower orders: at a board of privy council, on the twenty-fifth of May, when the clerk produced the book containing the list of counsellors, the king took his pen, and drawing it across the name of Charles James Fox, returned the book without comment.s

On the twenty-second of January a message was received from his majesty, relative to the important measure of a legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, as an effectual method for defeating the design of our enemies to effect a separation of the two kingdoms, and for consolidating the power and resources of the British empire. This message was next day discussed in the commons; when Mr. Dundas moved and carried an address, importing that the house would proceed, with all due despatch, to a consideration of the several interests submitted to their attention. In the debates to which this address gave rise, no one more strenuously denied the justice and policy of the proposed union than Mr. Sheridan he was answered in a very masterly speech by Mr. Canning; who, arguing the question on general principles, arrived at the conclusion to which they naturally conducted him. The object of the proposition,' he said, was most important: it was not the making of a provincial

8 This act of his majesty was attributed to a toast which Mr. Fox had given at the whig-club,- The sovereignty of the people of Great Britain.' The name of Henry Grattan was soon afterwards erased, in consequence of the part he took in the tumultuous proceedings in Ireland.

regulation, not the adjusting of an internal difference, not the arrangement of a plan for balancing parties: the object was nothing less than to secure Ireland to us and to herself, and thereby to promote the happiness and security of the whole empire.' For the general opinion of the protestant party in Ireland regarding this measure, he appealed to the ingenious work of Dr. Duigenan, in answer to Mr. Grattan. That gentleman,' said Mr. Canning, ‘is well known to be decidedly hostile to the pretensions of the catholics; he insists on the necessity of their continued exclusion from a share in the legislature, or in the great offices of state; but he confesses that such necessity of exclusion would be done away by the adoption of some plan similar to that proposed in his majesty's message: he states it as an unavoidable alternative, either that a plan of union be adopted, or some other method devised for the fortification of protestant ascendency. This fortification Dr. Duigenan would fain build on the re-enactment of the popery code; but he admits this to be unnecessary in case of a union between the two countries. Ask now the other, the catholic party; and what is their answer? Why, let us have a union, or a continued struggle for that which you have hitherto denied us, a repeal of the remaining part of the penal code. In adopting the amendment of my honorable friend, and refusing to go into a consideration of the address, the house would put an end to the only great and comprehensive view which it has ever taken of the affairs of Ireland. The plans hitherto proposed respecting that country, except in the case of the Irish propositions, have generally been to answer some immediate purpose; to catch at a little popularity, by decrying one party and extolling another; and by echoing in this country the distractions and disturbances of that, whenever it has so happened that our own affairs have furnished no immediate ground for popular declamation.'

The same day on which his majesty's message was delivered to the British senate, the session of the Irish parliament commenced; and the lord lieutenant brought the subject of a union regularly before them, by a recommendation similar to that laid before the other legislature. In the house of lords the address approving such a measure was carried by a large majority; but in the commons it was opposed with great acrimony, and even with menaces of armed resistance. During the course of the session, the subject was variously discussed; but, though the unionists were foiled in some questions, as the session advanced they obtained a small majority. It was not,

however, attempted to bring the matter to a final discussion at this time: meanwhile agents actively exerted themselves in tampering with members; inducing many strong opposers of the measure to vacate their seats, that others more pliable might be elected in their room; and not only during the session, but after its conclusion, government exerted all its influence, lavishing the public money on all sides, and entering into numerous engagements, for the purpose of making proselytes: the enemies of the union also were active, but they were not supplied with the same powerful means. The populace of Dublin were violent against the measure, and expressed unbounded exultation when the ministry were defeated in the house of commons. The enthusiasm of the capital, however, did not extend to the nation at large: the weight of the landed interest was in favor of the plan; while Cork, the second city in the kingdom, and most other commercial towns, though greatly agitated and divided, took in general a proper view of its utility.

On the thirty-first of January the subject was again brought under consideration in the British parliament by Mr. Pitt; who, after expressing disappointment at the proceedings in the Irish legislature, and eloquently expatiating on the necessity of a more intimate connexion between the two countries, proceeded to lay down certain resolutions for the basis of such a measure. These were, that the two islands shall be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; that the succession of the crown shall be limited and settled as at present; that the united realm shall be represented by one common parliament, in which a certain number of lords and commons, hereafter to be defined, shall have a seat on the part of Ireland; that the churches of England and Ireland be preserved as now by law established; that the king's subjects in Ireland be intitled to the same privileges, in point of trade and navigation, with those of Great Britain, subject to certain regulations relative to equality of duties, &c.; that the charge for payment of the interest of the debt of each kingdom, before the union, shall continue to be paid by Great Britain and Ireland separately; but that the future ordinary expenses of the united kingdom shall be defrayed by them jointly, according to proportions to be settled by the parliament of each country before the union takes place; that all laws in force at the time of the union, and all the courts, civil or ecclesiastical, shall remain as now established, subject only to

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such alterations as circumstances may recommend to the united parliament.

The house divided on the question of the speaker's leaving the chair; ayes 140, noes 15; and after some farther debates, Mr. Pitt's propositions were carried by large majorities. On the fourteenth of February the report of the committee was brought up; when it was ordered, that a message be sent to the lords, requesting a conference concerning the best means of perpetuating and improving the connexion between the two kingdoms.

6

ever

The proposed conference accordingly took place; and on the nineteenth of March lord Grenville moved, that the house do agree to the resolutions then submitted to its consideration by the commons; which motion, though strenuously opposed, was carried without a division. On the eleventh of April, his lordship moved an address to the throne, which was supported by the bishop of Llandaff, in one of the ablest speeches heard in that house. If,' said he, I were to express my sentiments regarding the utility of this measure in few words, I would say, that it will enrich Ireland; that it will not impoverish Great Britain; but that it will render the empire, as to defence, the strongest empire in Europe.' The question, whether the Roman catholics, being a great majority of the people, had a right to some ecclesiastical establishment, and to the removal of all civil disabilities, was considered by the learned prelate as a very perplexing one; especially as the property, by which such establishment must be maintained, was principally in the hands of a small minority, to whom no direct and immediate benefit would accrue from it. Whenever,' said he, this question is agitated, (and the sooner perhaps it is agitated and settled, the better) I hope it will be remembered, that nothing can be expedient which is not just and lawful; but that many things may be right, just, and lawful, which may not, politically speaking, be expedient to be done.' Another question he considered of so difficult a nature, that the prospective wisdom of the most consummate statesman could not decide on it with any certainty: this was, whether the British constitution would or would not undergo some change; and if any, what change, from the introduction of Irish members into our two houses of parliament? After detailing and commenting on the different opinions held in

9 It was so characterised by bishop Horsley, a political opponent of Dr. Watson. See autobiography of the latter, p. 326.