CHAP. XLIV.

GEORGE III. (CONTINUED.)-1801.

Alteration of the style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown, &c.-Origin of the northern confederacy, or renewal of the armed neutrality-Negociations on the subject-- Meeting of parliament-King's speech Debates on the address, involving an inquiry into the conduct of ministers, &c.-Address carried-Mr. Pitt's determination to resign office; reasons, &c. considered-Change of ministry-Motion for an inquiry into the state of the nation-Debates thereon-Mr. Pitt's explanation of his conduct-Motion rejected-Bill to exclude the clergy from sitting in the house of commons-Lord Moira's act to relieve insolvent debtors-Renewal of the suspension of the habeas corpus act-Additional supplies-Conjectures respecting the motives of the ex-minister, &c.-Preparations to resist the northern confederacy-Battle of Copenhagen-Dissolution of the northern confederacy-New treaty-Affairs of Portugal-Expedition to Egypt - Expulsion of the French from that country, &c.Menaces of an invasion-Attack on the French flotilla-Conquests in the North Sea, and in the East and West IndiesGallant action of Sir James Saumarez-Negociations for peace -Preliminaries signed-Considerations and conditions. finitive treaty-Reflections-Notice of alterations produced in various classes of society.

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On the first of January, 1801, a royal declaration was issued concerning the style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of Great Britain and Ireland, as well as to its ensigns, armorial flags, and banners. In the new heraldic arrangement, the fleur-de-lis was omitted, as well as the title of 'King of France;' and the royal dignity was in future to be expressed, as follows, in the Latin tongue :- Georgius Tertius, Dei Gratia, Britanniarum Rex, Fidei Defensor.' The great seal was delivered up and defaced, and a new seal for the united empire given to the lord chancellor: a new standard also, combining the three crosses of St. George, St. Andrew, and St. Patrick, was hoisted, amidst discharges of artillery, in

each capital: the members of the privy council renewed their oaths; an extensive promotion took place in the army and navy; and a considerable number of the Irish nobility were advanced to the dignity of peers of the united kingdom.

Beside the war in which Great Britain was actually engaged, she was now likely to be exposed to hostilities from a confederacy of the northern powers: the real motive of this union was a desire to humble the naval pride of England; the ostensible reasons which led to its formation arose from the following circumstance.-A frigate, belonging to Denmark, had been taken by the British, as she was conveying contraband stores to the enemy: the Dane had before acknowleged the right of Britain, as a belligerent power, to search trading vessels not sailing under convoy; but asserted that the company of a ship of war protected them from examination. Our envoy at Copenhagen stated these circumstances to the Danish minister, who admitted his knowlege of the facts, and maintained that the principle, on which his government had acted, was agreeable to the law of nations: the English minister, on the other hand, declared, first, that no such principle had ever been recognised; secondly, that its admission would amount to a virtual renunciation of the right of search; since the smallest ship of war could then secure the entrance of contraband stores into an enemy's port. The Dane, unable to rebut these arguments, still maintained the principle; alleging that the belligerent party possessed, in the honor of the neutral, sufficient security that ships of war should not be so employed. To rely on the honor of another state for the support of a maritime right, was too humiliating a proposal for the mistress of the ocean : our ambassador therefore firmly repeated the determination of his government to search neutral ships, steering toward an enemy's harbor, under any species of convoy. Similar discussions took place at London between lord Grenville and the Danish ambassador; the former of whom, anxious to avoid hostilities if possible, released the Danish frigate, but asserted the British right of search. Sweden took part with Denmark in her interpretation of this principle of maritime law but neither of those states would have dared to support a claim which Great Britain chose to dispute, had they not relied on the aid, as they had been instigated by the resentment, of the czar. Conscious that the brilliant events of the Italian campaign in 1799 were principally due to the Russian arms, and indignant at the recall of his troops from the scene of their glorious exploits to perish amidst Alpine snows, and

deserted by their allies, Paul had conceived a violent resentment against the Austrian court; while the carnage of the Russian troops in Holland, arising from their own precipitate valor, but attributed to intentional exposure, induced him to include Great Britain also in his suspicion and displeasure: to this cause of anger was added the capture of Malta, which was retained by England, instead of being offered to him, as grand master of the order, with which dignity he had been invested. His violent and disordered mind, therefore, imagining in itself the feelings of knighthood, was roused into fury at what he considered a personal insult to his chivalry; and he became animated with a quixotic desire of giving law to the first naval power by sea, as in the preceding year he would have dictated to the first military power by land.

Buonaparte, comprehending the character of this eccentric and capricious being, instantly conceived the idea of rendering it subservient to the designs of France; and his genius, in fact, formed the northern confederacy, rousing all maritime Europe against Great Britain. Paul no sooner declared his resolution to renew and extend the armed neutrality, than with his usual impetuosity he laid an embargo on all the shipping and property of English subjects, and imprisoned the crews of their vessels in Russian ports. Against so flagrant an act as this the British government knew that remonstrance would be of no avail; accordingly, they prepared a naval force to vindicate the national honor: in the mean time, efforts were still continued to reconcile differences with the smaller states of the north: but it soon appeared that arms alone must decide the contest; for Denmark and Sweden manifested a determination to cooperate with Russia, and entered into an alliance with her for that purpose: the old armed neutrality was renewed, with this addition, that convoy should protect vessels from search: an embargo therefore was laid on all the ships of those states in British harbors. This dispute was one of the first subjects that engaged the attention of the united parliament, which met on the twenty-second of January, and replaced its former speaker, Mr. Addington, in the chair. On the second of February, the king, in a speech from the throne, congratulated both houses on the union which had been so happily effected : the other principal topics to which he alluded being the state of the continent, and the dispute with the northern powers. The debates which ensued involved a high degree of interest: in the upper house, earl Fitzwilliam, the friend of Burke, who had hitherto strongly advocated the continuance of the war

and the restoration of the Bourbons, treated the contest as hopeless he, however, insisted on the propriety of an inquiry into the causes of failure, when such unlimited powers had been committed to ministers, and they had been aided by the whole force of Europe: on another point also information was required; for instead of success against our ancient foe, a contest with our own allies was the result of ministerial measures. The new war, in which we were about to engage, was, he added, as far as Sweden and Denmark were concerned, one of our own seeking; since we had it in our power to suspend the discussion relative to the neutral code, in the same manner as in 1780, when this country was in a much less difficult situation than at present. The amendment moved by his lordship was supported by the earls of Suffolk and Darnley, the latter of whom had voted with ministers at the commencement of the war; but as they had abused the confidence of parliament, and manifested a very small share of political wisdom, he wished for an inquiry into various parts of their administration. Earl Spencer and the duke of Athol deprecated such an inquiry, as likely to repress the spirit of the nation, and obstruct those exertions, which alone could rescue the country from danger. Lord Moira thought that ministers had not properly employed the great military force which oppressed the country by its expense, and therefore should vote for an inquiry. Lords Grenville and Eldon strenuously defended the conduct of administration; and maintained that the claim of searching neutral vessels was founded on the law of nations, uncontradicted by natural jurisprudence; that the assertion of this right constituted the foundation of our commercial wealth, and was the bulwark of our glory. On a division, the address was carried.

In the lower house, Mr. Grey was the chief opposer of the address. After freely animadverting on the general conduct of Mr. Pitt and his associates, he disputed the right claimed by them in the case of neutrals; and even if it should be allowed, he controverted the propriety of exercising it. The minister stated two ways in which the subject ought to be considered; first, the general law of nations on this head ought to be ascertained; and next, it was requisite to inquire whether that law was supported or opposed by precise treaties with the powers concerned. He contended that the principle on which government had acted was universally admitted and adopted, except where it had been restrained or modified by specific conventions. It was stipulated in the commercial treaty with France, that if

that country should happen to be neutral while Great Britain was engaged in war, she should have the advantage now claimed but this concession, being merely an exception from the general rule, by no means invalidated the right which we claimed by the law of nations: even if such exceptions had been more frequently made, yet with other powers the established law would remain in full force; more especially with those who had habitually observed the maintenance of the principle. Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, instead of being exempt from the rule, were actually bound by treaties in accordance with it; and if they should presume to violate their engagements, by carrying the property and assisting the views of our enemies, the honor and interest of Great Britain required the counteraction of such insidious hostility. The address was carried by a majority of 182.

The union of Great Britain and Ireland was justly regarded by Mr. Pitt as the transaction which reflected the greatest lustre on his administration; and although he had uniformly opposed the claim of catholic emancipation during the existence of the separate legislature of Ireland, it was understood that he had given assurances to the Irish catholics of a complete participation in political privileges as soon as a union should have taken place. When this proposition was submitted to the cabinet council, some of its members expressed their dissent; especially the king, who alleged that the coronation oath precluded his compliance with a scheme which might endanger the ecclesiastical establishment: and as this repugnance obstructed the recommendation of the measure to parliament, and diminished the probability of its success, Mr. Pitt declared that he conceived himself bound to resign his office: other reasons, however, were assigned for this resignation; and it was confidently reported that such a step was rendered indispensable by the situation of the country, left, as it was, without an ally; involved in a war apparently interminable; and in the hands of a ministry whose decided hostility to the government of France almost precluded the possibility of amicable negociations. Be this as it may, the catholic question was a sufficient reason for Mr. Pitt's resignation; and undoubtedly, if not the sole cause of that event, it formed a powerful inducement with him to give up the reins of government. How far he was implicated in this question, and to what extent he stood pledged, is a matter involved in no small degree of obscurity: the following extract, however, from a valuable history, which has frequently been quoted in this work, and the general