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they recognised its truth in that very affertion, which I have heard perverted into an argument against uniting the countries. When our House of Commons represented to his Majefty in that year, that "the kingdom of Ireland was a diftinct kingdom, "with a Parliament of her own, the fole legiflature "thereof," they meant to alledge their diftinctnefs, as an argument against their being bound by the acts of a British legiflature; and the reafoning palpably implies this pofition, that the cafe would be different, if the countries were united: fince in that cafe, the Irish people could not juftly complain of being bound by the acts of a legislature, in which Ireland was adequately represented.

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But, "instead of a conftitution, which established peace in Ireland, Mr. Pitt revives a principle which produced war in America." He speaks the fame language with his fword in this country, which Lord North articulated, (with the fame organ,) to the colonies; and the fabrick which he builds in the room of that which he has deftroyed, excludes the people, and extinguishes the conftitution.†

The conftitution which you thuis regret, is the fame which we enjoyed, (or, as you then thought, which we fuffered,) when you wrote your addrefs to the ci"tizens of Dublin. The Catholics ftill groan under the fame yoke which oppreffed them at that time, viz. toleration the most perfect, civil freedom the most complete, and no inconfiderable share of political power. The Legislature is ftill, as it was then, unreformed: more connected with the property, than with the turbulence of the country, and encumbered ...with

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Mr. Grattan's words.

+ Subftance of Mr. Grattan's fpeech."

with the pompous impediment of a houfe of lords,. ftanding between us and the bleffings of a Dungannon conftitution.

The "peace" which that conftitution has "eftablished," we have all witneffed. The convention: and gunpowder acts,-the infurrection bill,-the acts of indemnity and attainder,-are all teftimonies, upon record, of a tranquillity, which however received some temporary interruption in 1798: a tranquillity of which you now appear to be more fenfible, than you were when you acquainted your conftituents with the laft ineffectual "effort," which your party had made before the clofe of Parliament, for the re"ftoration of domeftic peace," and infifted on the existence of a morbid and irritating cause, "which, "till Parliament fhould be reformed, muft agitate "this country for ever."+

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But Mr. Pitt" revives a principle, which produced war in America: When has Government adopted any measure, which did not recal the colonies to your mind? If I look into the parliamentary debates, in every chart of your political difcoveries, I find America to occupy the greatest space. In your address, I find you ringing her story in our ears. To the continuance of that fyftem, to which Union would put an end, you then oppofed the warning example of America To refift the Union which is reforted to for the correction of that former fyftem, America

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"We faw the miniftry pursue that very plan towards Ireland, **which they regretted they had not reforted to in the cafe of *America, viz. acceding to the Americau claim, and then re

establishing British dominion, by influencing the American Af“fembly.”—Mr. Grattan's address.

America is the ground on which you chufe to ftand, It is the Othello's handkerchief, with which you reply to arguments, and facts,-and record your incurable jealoufies of England.

From a loyal member of Parliament, I am furprifed to hear this monotonous and inceffant din: to the mouth of a feparatift fuch language would be very fuitable. The fyllogifm would run thus:-The conduct of Great Britain juftified America in feparating herself by force: But England is pursuing the fame conduct towards this country; therefore Ireland would do well to separate from Great Britain.

But the fabrick which, with that vox ferrea, the Britifh fword, Mr. Pitt now calls on thefe two countries to build, "excludes the people; and extinguishes the Conftitution." *

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These positions are neither obvious, nor unimportant enough, to warrant you in affuming them, without entering upon any proof, and I for my, part muft take the liberty of difputing both.

How does the Minifter's fcheme exclude the people? not by encreafing the relative quantity of county reprefentation, and diminishing the number of those borough members, who, you have told us, do not form, but exclude the legitimate commons; fubverting the conftitutional lawgiver, and working the people completely out of the lower house of Parliament. Not by encreafing the value and influence of the elective franchise, in the hands of the great Catholic body of the people; who, it will not be denied, must have an incomparably greater fhare in contributing to return the county, than the borough representation.

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* Mr. Grattan 's affertion. + Mr. Grattan's Addrefs.

How then is the confequence to be produced, which your foreboding mind deplores? By the effect which the measure will have on Catholic claims.

Let us obferve what will be its operation upon these, So far from depriving them of one atom of their prefent privileges, it will fecure to them their perpetual enjoyment; leaving them confequently and irrevocably poffeffed of the inference which fome of their advocates deduce; viz. that their having acquired fo much is a reason for granting more; while, at the fame time, neither the principle, nor any of the articles of Union will directly bar their claims, or pronounce expressly, or by the remoteft implication, that the Catholic body shall obtain nothing more, Therefore, we can only eftimate the effect of the measure on their prospects, by comparing the favourable chances which their prefent, circumftances produce, with thofe which muft refult from the fituation in which they would be placed by Union.

To what principle do the adverfaries of Catholic pretenfion refer their oppofition? they infift on the danger to which the established church would be expofed, by putting power into the hands of a fect, which greatly exceeds our Proteftant inhabitants in number. This is an obstacle, which I have your authority for afferting that Union would remove : you ftate Catholics to be to Proteftants, at present, in the ratio of three to one; and that after Union they will be as one to four; and this ftatement involves an admiflion, that the measure would improve their hopes, by removing an argument which is now urged against their claims.

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They have fubmitted their pretenfions to the legiflature of this country; and their application has not been attended with fuccefs. The removal of every incapacity attached to their religion, was one of the principal measures which you wished to carry; and your address informs them that you quitted Parliament, in despair of fucceeding.

Have the Catholics any good ground for expect. ing-that the fentiments of the Irish legislature will become more favourable to their claims? The Corporation of Dublin is not lefs adverse to them, than to an Union. The City Reprefentatives, the Speaker, and feveral other loyal members of the present oppofition (of whom I should not do juftice to my own fentiments, if I fpoke otherwife than with respect,) have not I believe expreffed any ftrong opinions in favour of Catholic pretenfions; nor given that body reason to suppose that, if the prefent measure were loft by the refiftance of Proteftant afcendants,-the fame powerful influence which rejected Union, would bestow political privilege upon them.

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Therefore, as Union would refer their claims, not to that legislature by which they have already been rejected, not to a "borough Parliament," before which you defpaired of ever fucceeding, but to an unprejudiced tribunal, which has delivered no opinion, 'and would hear the claimants under circumftances more favourable to their petition,-it seems to follow that the measure muft improve their views: and the liberal conceffions which have been already made to that body,the foundation of the feminary at Maynooth,-the fuppofed project of connecting with an Union, fome proper fupport for the Roman Catholic clergy, and

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