Mr. A. MOORE.-When I came into the House this day, I expected to have heard from the Noble Lord and his colleagues a language very different from that tone of infult and authority with which they have commenced the feffion-indeed I could fcarcely perfuade myself that the fame men in whofe hands the measure of an Union had been defeated with fo much difgrace to them, and fuch fignal triumph to this House and to the country, would have had the temerity or the courage to meet the fame Parliament again in office, with a bold avowal of their perfeverance in that moft abominable and deftructivé project. I did imagine that instead of intemperately declaring against the members of this House and charging them with the fouleft motives, and the moft factious defigns for doing their duty to their king and country, we fhould have heard the Noble Lord and his affociates in power, fupplicating in humble and repentant accents the pardon and forgiveness of this injured country, and imploring the reprefentatives of the people to overlook their tranfgreffions in the fincerity of their repentance. But instead of that we are affailed with abuse-we are loaded with calumny-we are defcribed as a faction, and we are called upon by the Noble Lord to wait till he is prepared, and he promises you that in a fortnight he will attack you when he fhall have secured a majority, "when the forces of corruption fhall be completely disciplined when the poignards fhall be prepared to give the laft mortal blow to the expiring Conftitution of our country.-Will the Parliament how by poftponing their decifion, become acceffary in the guilt of the administration, and thereby enable the Noble Lord to put his threat of the laft feffion in force," that he never would lofe fight of the measure," or will you facrifice the dearest interests of Ireland on the altar of vanity and vain glory, in order that the most Noble Marquis who prefides over the Government may close his long and honourable military career with the fplendid triumph of a Legislative Union, the accomplishment of which he has declared to be the fole remaining object of his political folicitudes. Sir, I will not now fatigue the Houfe with the difcuffion' of the queftion of Union, becanfe I have already given my opinion upon that fubject, and because this Houfe has already ninequivocally rejected it-but I cannot refrain from calling the attention of the Houfe to the wicked and unconstitutional means which have been reforted to, in order to impose upon the country, to destroy the Parliament, and to overturn the Conftitution, means, many of which are in my power to prove at that Bar, and all of which are universally known, and almoft openly avowed, and the authors, promoters, and perpetrators of which, I hope yet to fee brought to condign punishment, judged by that Parliament which they have attempted to annihilate, and profecuted by that people whom they meditated to

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enflave. Sir, not only the opinion and fenfe of Parliament is fet at nought, but their privileges and forms are abused and derided, the refpect paid to the fenfe of this Houfe is to be seen in the repetition of a measure but a few months fince fully difcuffed and folemnly condemned by a majority unbought and uninfluenced, the refpect paid to the privileges of this Houfe is to be collected from the decent and equitable use that was made laft year of the Efcheatorship, and that will no doubt be made of it this year and probably this night, from the respectful manner in which the Seffions was put an end to last year, and from the avowal that has been made this night, that one reafon for the extinction of this Parliament is, that individuals in it have been in the habit of cenfuring the Minifter of England and his measures, which imputation by the way is not fuftained by the fact. Again Sir, we may feel the refpect that is fhewn to privileges in the ufe that is made of the influence of the Crown, and the unbounded patronage of Minifters to overthrow them, in the promises that are made, in the places that are given, in the hoours and promotions that are lavifhed-if it can be called honour and promotion which is acquired by fuch means-in the removal from office of able and honourable men and in the fubftitution of men whofe fole merit is their zeal for this degrading measurecan these and the other innumerable practices made use of to obtain a majority in favour of an Union be called by any ́ milder epithets than thofe of bribery and corruption? But, Sir, the means made of to carry the Union are not confined to the Parliament-the whole nation has been practifed upon. How have the Sheriffs been appointed?-How have Grand Juries been in many places felected?-How have Addreffes been procured? -By what means have fome counties been deceived, and others refused the liberty of expreffing their opinions in a constitutional manner? What has been the ufe which has been made of the martial law bill? Or will pofterity or even the cotemporary people of Europe believe that Ireland has been called upon to furrender her Conftitution, while fuch a law was in force, and acted upon a law, the principle of which is better calculated to ftifle opinions than to reprefs crimes, and to promote rather than to correct the depravity of the times. But, Sir, it was feen, that while the parliament and the nation continued of the fame opinion, there could be no hope of accomplishing the measure. What was to be then? There was a factitious fenfe of the people to be fet up against the real fenfe of their reprefentatives: and that parliament, which while it was fuppofed to be corrupt, was afferted to be omnipotent, as foon as it proved itself to be virtuous was appealed from with a ftrong implication of its incompetence. And to whom was the appeal made? To every man who could be bribed, feduced, intimidated, or punished-in how many inftances

Rances was there an open, fair appeal made to the free, unbiaffed fentiments of any body of people recognized by the law and conftitution, as having a right to affemble and declare their opiniens upon public events? Well, the fignatures, if not the fenfe of fome thousands of people out of fome millions, are procured in favour of the Union-with all the industry of Administration, and its emiffaries, they have been able to do no more-and how have the great majority of these been procured? By threats and menaces; by terror and falfe pretences; by forging of names; by fpies, hirelings, and calumniators; by dividing the people, fetting the landlord against his tenant-the foldier against the citi zen-the pastor against his flock-the parent against his childfect against fect, and principle againft principle, by the agency of the placemau and expectant, by the influence of the purfe and the fword, of the civil magiftrate and the military magifirate, by pro mifes never intended to be performed, and by promises which if performed, would be the very perfection of political criminality; in this way has an attempt been made to poll the people against the sense of their reprefentatives; upon the foundation of thefe fignatures, I prefume it is that the noble Lord fays, that the nation is for the Union, and upon fuch evidence is it, that our moft gracious Sovereign, and the English Parliament and People, are induced to believe, that the accomplishment of the measure is only retarded by a faction against the fenfe of the countrywould to God the whole British nation could have the teftimony of their own eyes and ears, for the actual condition and fentiments of this country-they would see whether those who oppose, or those who support the Union are the best friends to the Con. titution, the liberty, and the tranquillity even of their own country-Sir, there is one clafs of men, who, I do not hesitate to fay, have contributed even as much as Ministers, to diffuse the fallacious opinion in England, that this country will be fatisfied with an Union, I mean the Abfentees, and acting upon that impreffion, we find their agents making the greateft efforts to obtain fignatures in favour of it on their eftates, and what have been the means in many inftances practised on thefe eftates? to refufe leafes to those who have none, to threaten to call for the rent to the hour; to hold the terrors of an ejectment over him who hefitates to figu, or if he cannot write, to lend his name to refolutions calling for the furrender of that which is the fecurity of his property-of his liberty-of his life-Sir, I know of nothing which strikes me as more dangerous, than this plan of individual fignatures-it is a perfectly republican or rather revolutionary proceeding, and feems to me to have no principle in our Conftitution, nor any precedent in our history to justify it -Buonaparte has indeed lately given us an example of it-he opened his regifter for acceptance and non-acceptance of his new Conftitution,

Conftitution, and he fent it to the departments for the free affent of the people attended and moft humbly recommended by the cominunal agents-the officers of the customs and excife-the tribunal officers-the juftices of peace-the troops of the line-and the national guards-1 confefs, I think Mr. Pitt in his zeal to change the Constitution of Ireland, has not been behind Buonaparte in the means and the inftruments by which he recommends his Union to the free adoption of the pepole, nor has there been lefs of the pomp, and ceremony, and fhew of power and dictation used to procure favourable fignatures in the one cafe, than in the other

this principle of individual figning of names is unconstitutional and fallacious in every point of view-the fignature (amongst the lower orders) is univerfally obtained by fecret influence, or by false representation-it is not the refult of free communication of full difcuffion-of uninfluenced judgment-it is unallied to public feeling, and is the low inftrument of political intrigueit was the fyltem of the United Irifhmen, but they managed it with more dexterity-they too had their refolutions, and canval. fed the country underhand-they too forged names-fpread calumnies; and falfe pretences; threatened, menaced, denounced, and reforted to every low and wieked means, to obtain profelytes to their iniquitous caufe; they too had their fyftem of rewards and punishments; their fyftem of corruption and profcription; their fyftem of alarm and delufion; and it is notorious, that ma ny of the most diftinguished agents in that foul and atrocious confpiracy, are now actively employed in forwarding the new project against the liberties of Ireland, and have purchased the remiffion of their crimes, by their zeal to overthrow or undermine the Conftitution of their country-these are some of the means and fome of the inftruments made ufe of to procure a colourable fanction from the people to force the Union upon us, and this is called the confent of the nation.-If the adminiftration would wish to ftamp the character of honefty, honour, or jus the proceeding; if they wish that it fhould be permanent and irrevocable, let them take the fentiments of the people upon it fully, fairly, and in a conftitutional manner, Will they fuffer county meetings to be called by the Sheriffs, and allow them to be held without intimidation or interruption, and with full notice? Will they repeal the martial law bill, the existence of which is incompatible with free political deliberation? Or will they call a Parliament elected by the nation after the measure has been promulged, and when every member may have express or implied authority from his conftituents to decide upon it? If they do, the validity of the treaty can never afterwards be questioned if they do not, it never can be fecure. Sir, the attempt to feparate the people from their Reprefentatives, is no inconfiderable part of the iniquity which characterizes this proceeding,

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but the wickedness is pre-eminent which would fet the people against each other for what purpose is it that the Catholics have been encouraged to lay afide all confidence in that Parliameut, to which they owe all their immunities which they at prefent enjoy, and to which alone they can look for their continuation or extenfion; to what end is it that promises are made to them which cannot be ever fulfilled? and, wherefore is it held out as a bonus for them to defer the interefts of the country upon this great question, that they are to be admitted pari passu with the Proteftants into the United Parliament, or I might call it the Parliament of Great Britain, for to all intents and purposes it would still be fo? As a proof that such promises have been almost made in direct terms, I refer to the pamphlet first written on the fubject of the Union last year, and circulated with fo much induftry. As a proof that a participation of the privilege of fitting in the United Parliament has been moft frequently and artfully infinuated, I refer to the speech of Mr. Pitt, upon laying the. refolutions for the Union before the English House of Commons, where speaking of the "full conceffions" which are neceffary to fatisfy the Catholics, he fays, "How foon or how late "it may be proper to discuss the nature and propriety of those "conceffions, muft depend upon two circumftances-Firft, when "the conduct of the Catholics fhall be fuch as to make it fafe " for the Government to admit them to a participation of the "privileges granted to thofe of the Eftablished Church, and "when the temper of the times fhall be favourable to the mea"fure; when these events take place, it is obvious that such a queftion may be agitated in the United Parliaments with much greater fafety, which might endanger the fecurity and shake "the Government of Ireland in its feparate ftate."—I believe no man will difpute with me that the most important of the "full conceffions" which Mr. Pitt means is the privilege of fitting in Parliament, and if any man wishes to know how far the fame gentleman thinks the admiffion of perfons into the English Senate, profeffing any other than the established religion, is either unconftitutional or practicable, he will find his fentiments recorded in the debates on the motions for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. If it wanted any additional authority to fhew that Catholics, even those refiding in England, can never be admitted into the Parliament of that country, confiftently with the Law and Conftitution, I would quote that of a noble and learned Lord, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who on the motion made by Lord Moira, in the House of Lords of Ireland the 19th of February, 1798, is faid to have used these words: (I cite them from an edition printed by authority)" Upon the "fubject of emancipation will the noble Lord allow me to make a very earnest request of him? and if he will indulge me in it, I

"fhall