And the part of his ministers, in consequence of which they resigned their portfolios into the hands of Captain-General Primo de Rivera. thus the government of General Serrano fell with a feeble protest on the part of Mr. Sagasta, but without even a struggle for existence. There is reason to think that the action of General Martinez de Campos was founded on previous consultation among officers of the army, of whom the Conde de Valmaseda is particularly mentioned. Meanwhile the streets of Madrid were crowded with groups of persons manifesting interest and curiosity, but not committing the slightest act of disturbance in any quarter. Late at night an extra of" El Tiempo" appeared, giving the first detailed account of these incidents published in Madrid. On the next morning, that of Thursday the 31st, appeared in the official "Gaceta de Madrid" announcement of the establishment of a new government, as follows: Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, president of the regency-ministry. Alejandro Castro, minister of state. Francisco de Cárdenas, minister of grace and justice. Lieutenant General Joaquin Jovellar, minister of war. Petro Salaverría, minister of hacienda. Mariano Roca de Togores, Marqués de Molins, minister of marine. Manuel de Orovio, Marqués de Orovio, minister of fomento. Adelardo Lopez de Ayala, minister of ultramar. This government has continued to administer affairs with apparent acceptance, or unopposed submission at least, to the present time. At first, it is true, especially in the course of Wednesday, much solicitude prevailed in apprehension of acts of violence. But nothing occurred to disturb the peace of the city that night or at any time thereafter. It is true that Captain General Primo de Rivera, together with the Duque de Sexto, the new civil governor, and the Conde de Toreno, the new chief alcalde of the city, adopted the most complete precautions for the preservation of public peace; but, indeed, there has been no exhibition of disposition on the part of anybody, high or low, to disturb that peace. On the other hand, manifestations of rejoicing, more or less spontaneous, appeared in all parts of the city for two or three days, in hangings from the balconies of the houses and in illumination of most of the windows There were also parade and review of the troops of the garrison of Madrid on the afternoon of Friday, in the presence of the captain-general, by whom they were addressed, and who in reponse acclaimed Don Alfonso XII. An immense concourse of spectators witnessed the scene, conspicuous among whom were many of the ladies of Madrid. The late ministers, including Mr. Sagasta, the republicans, such as Mr. Figueras and Mr. Castelar, and the radicals, such as Mr. Ruiz Zorrilla, all go about as usual in the consciousness of perfect personal security. The only persons who seem to suffer are the office-holders and the newspapers. The former are resigning or being removed in considerable numbers, although many of them have been requested to remain. As to the latter, it has been edifying to see that, on the very day after the suppression of so many organs of the Alfonsinos, they were restored to life again, simultaneously with the suppression of all the republican and some of the Serranist journals. * So little of the spirit of persecution is manifested by the triumphant Alfonsinos, that the Duque de la Torre himself, although, a ter resigning the command of the army of the north into the hands of General La Serna, he proceeded to France by way of Canfranc, yet seems to have done this, not so much from personal apprehension, as in order to avoid being the cause or pretext of opposition or even of suspicion; and it is understood that he is about to return to Madrid to live in retirement with his family, the Duquesa herself having already left the British legation to occupy a private residence in the Paseo de Recoletos. It is understood that Don Alfonso will leave Paris shortly for Marseilles, where he will find a squadron to conduct him first to Barcelona and then to Valencia, at each of which places he will remain long enough to be presented to the troops; that he will then come to Madrid to be crowned, and take the oath in force in the time of Queen Isabel; that he will then proceed to the Escorial, and from the Escorial to put himself at the head of the army of the north. A deputation of important persons, among whom are the Marqués de Molins, to represent the ministers; the Conde de Heredia Spinola, the nobility; Mr. Escobar, (of La Epoca,) the press, and the Conde de Valmaseda, the army, started yesterday for Marseilles, in order there to receive Don Alfonso and conduct him to Spain. I annex also the important manifesto lately published in the name of Don Alfonso, setting forth the principles which are professedly to preside over his government of Spain. I abstain at present from any further comment on the subject, except to say that the new government exhibits more signs of vitality than any other which has existed in Spaiu since the downfall of Queen Isabel, it having in its favor the entire military force of the country, the great body of the proprietors, titled and untitled, a large proportion of the suffering clergy, and the majority of the people, who are, for the time being, thoroughly sick of revolutionary experiments, and are anxious only for the enjoyment of peace and public order, which they have not had for a moment since the battle of Alcolea, which substituted the military triumvirate of Serrano, Prim, and Topete in the place of the constitutional monarchy of Queen Isabel. I have, &c., [Inclosure 1 in No. 207.-Translation.] C. CUSHING. Proclamation of the cabinet of General Serrano denouncing the movement in favor of Prince Alfonso, December 30, 1874. EXECUTIVE POWER OF THE REPUBLIC, PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS. At the very moment when the chief of the state was moving the army of the north to give decisive battle against the Carlist hosts, thus making use of the immense sacrifices which the government has exacted of the country, and which the latter has given with such noble patriotism, a small force of the army of the center, led by Generals Martinez, Campos, and Jovellar, have raised, in sight of the enemy, the seditions banner of D. Alfonso de Borbon. This act, which words fail to condemn and which seeks to initiate a fresh civil war, as though the calamities of every kind which burden the country were not already enough, has, fortunately, found no echo in the armies of the north and of Catalonia, or in any of the several military districts. The government, which has appealed, in the supreme circumstances in which the nation now is in the peninsula and in America, to all parties which bear the name of liberal to stifle in a common effort the aspirations of absolutism, holds an unquestionable right and even a sacred duty to qualify harshly and to chastise, with all rigor within its sphere, a rebellion which, in fine, it could not favor, if it spread, any more than it could favor Carlism and demagogy, dishonoring us besides in the eyes of the civilized world. The ministry, faithful to its purposes and loyal to the solemn piedges it has given before the country and before Europe, is to-day more than ever resolved to fulfill its duty and will fulfill it. MADRID, December 30, 1874. The president of the council of ministers and minister of gobernacion, PRAXEDES MATEO SAGASTA. (Signed by all the other ministers.) [Inclosure 3 in No. 207.-Translation.] ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE REGENCY MINISTRY. [From the "Gaceta de Madrid," December 31, 1874.] DECREE. Proclaimed by the nation and the army, the King Don Alfonso de Borbon y Borbon, the case has arrived for the use of the powers which, by royal decree of the 22d of August, 1873, were conferred upon me. In virtue thereof, and in the name of His Majesty the King, I hereby decree as follows: The regency-ministry, which is to govern the kingdom until the arrival of the King Don Alfonso in Madrid, shall be composed, under my presidency, of the following persons: Minister of state, Don Alejandro Castro, formerly minister of the treasury and the colonies and ambassador in Rome; minister of grace and justice, Don Franciso de Cárdenas, ex-counsellor of state; minister of war, Lieutenant-General Don Joaquin 'Jovellar, general-in-chief of the army of the center; minister of finance, Don Pedro Salaverria, formerly minister of public works and of finance; minister of marine, Don Mariano Roca de Togores, marques of Molins, formerly minister of marine and public works and now director of the Spanish academy; minister of gobernacion, Don Francisco Romero Robledo, ex-minister of public works; minister of public works, Don Manuel de Orovio, marquis of Orovio, formerly minister of finance and of public works; minister of ultramar, Don Adelardo Lopez de Ayala, ex-minister of ultramar. MADRID, December 31, 1874. The president of the regency-ministry, ANTONIO CÁNOVAS DEL CASTILLO. No. 209.] No. 520. Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Madrid, January 5, 1875. (Received February 8.) SIR: I hasten to lay before you such appreciations of the present political situation as are suggested by personal observation and information derived from trustworthy sources. I assume that the new government possesses some elements of stability which have not belonged to any other in Spain during the last six years. It has the general support of the army, that army being the most numerous which any Spanish government has had under arms since the epoch of its independence. The officers, from the highest to the lowest, are animated by the conviction that they have more to hope, whether in the sense of their own permanence or of honors, fron monarchical than from republican institutions. And the army in Spain, when the officers are united, is more potential than any and all other interests, as the world has seen, both in all the great modifications of administration during the reign of Queen Isabel and in the subsequent changes of dynasty or government; for, in the whole history of the reign of Isabel, the meu who pre-eminently controlled events as responsible statesmen, were above all successful generals, Espartero, Narvaez, O'Donnell, Serrano, Prim. Meanwhile all the public authorities throughout Spain (that is, excepting the seat of the rebellion) have either sent in their adhesion to King Alfonso, or have retired passively and unresistingly to give place to appointees of the new government. Add to this that Alfonso has been acclaimed, either by such troops as were in garrison, or by the people, or by both combined, in all the cities and large towns of Spain. These internal occurrences, as it is admitted here on all hands, impart appearance at least of exceptional strength to the new government. There is another important fact in this relation. I have bad opportunity, within the last two days, of ascertaining the condition of the common people of the lower wards, (barrios bajos,) that is to say, the operative classes outside of official circles; and I find that although at heart they are indifferent to the change as a question of political principle, and, indeed, many of them adverse, yet they are so thoroughly disgusted with everything which has happened or been done in Spain during the last few years, and especially with the suicidal misconduct of all the leading men, including the republicans, who have figured in affairs since the dethronement of Isabel, that they cheerfully accept the present counter-revolution. Moreover, it is to the epoch of the dethronement of Isabel, and to the men who produced it or succeeded in power, that the people attribute the origin. of the superlative calamities under which Spain is now overwhelmed, namely, the insurrection in Cuba and the civil war in the Basque provinces and Navarre. And I learn from the consuls of the United States, as well as otherwise, that the same sentiment of acquiescence in the present change, induced by mere disgust for what has gone before, operates in the provincial cities of Spain, notwithstanding that some of them are in conviction republican. The change of government, it is true, has been brought about by military pronunciamento; but it is not competent for any party in Spain to find fault with others in that respect. All parties, one after the other, have had recourse to conspiracy, violence, and usurpation in order to attain their personal or party ends. It was by military violence that Prim, Serrano, and Topete overthrew Queen Isabel. It was by military violence that Serrano became President by the will of Pavia. And although, on the abdication of Amadeo, the proclamation of the republic was not the act of this or that general, yet it was brought about by a not less flagrant violation of order and of constitutionalism, as we understand it, a mere legislative assembly of two branches having formed themselves into a constituent convention in imitation of the worst examples of the French revolution, and having then proceeded, by mere usurpation and surprise, to impose a new government on Spain. So that neither the militarism nor the illegality of the movement tends in the least degree to repel the acceptance of it in any part of the country. And quite as little repulsion is produced by the suddenness of the movement or the brief time occupied in its consummation. On the night of the 11th of Feb. ruary, 1873, all Spain went to bed a monarchy and woke up to its astonishment a republic. In like manner on the 2d of January, 1874, the republican dictatorship of Castelar disappeared in a night to give place to the conservative dictatorship of Serrano. Hence, on the moruing of the 31st of December, 1874, it did not appear at all extraordinary to the Spaniards in waking up to find that the republic had vanished and the monarchy returned with the dramatic celerity of a change of scenery at the opera. In truth, all the great actors in public affairs during the last six years, Prim, Serrano, Ruiz Zorrilla, Figueras, Pi y Margall, Salmeran, Castelar, have lost consideration as political guides, or as governors, by the absolute failure of each successively to prevent or terminate civil war, to maintain domestic order, to regularize the public finances, to promote industry and commerce, to protect private persons and property, to introduce liberty without anarchy or conservatism without despotism, or in any other respect to establish good government in Spain. The people are beginning to conceive that revolutionism, as a principle or theory of government, is the climax of nonsense and absurdity, seeing that that is to convert the desperate remedy for a mortal disease into the daily food of its life, and thus, under pretense of curing the occasional ills of the body-politic, to condemn it to inevitable death and dissolution. In a word, weary of empiricism, demagogy, and anarchy, Spain seeks refuge once more in the hoped-for repose of its traditional institutions of religion and hereditary monarchy. Whether the people of Spain will thus attain the political tranquillity which they seek remains to be seen. The difficulties before them are too serious to be disregarded. In the first place comes the question whether the restoration will be moderate, liberal, clement, and simply conservative, or whether it will be reactionary, illiberal, sanguinary, destructive, ultramontane, and despotical. Such are the conflicting interests which now agitate all men in or near to the seat of power, and which conspicuously appear even in the constitution of the new ministry. And the conflict in question is unavoidable. Half of Spain, though not distinctly republican, still is lib. eral; and another half of Spain is hardly less intensely Catholic and monarchical than it was in the time of Philip II. These irreconcilable interests or sentiments stand at present regarding each other in attitude of armed truce, but cannot long avoid coming into collision. Thus, while, in his manifesto, Alfonso is made to profess ideas of constitutional administration in accordance with the spirit of the age, yet almost the first political act he performs is to signify devotedness to Pio Nono, (implying acceptance of the new syllabus of the Vatican,) as might well have been expected from the godson of the Pope. The relation of religious questions to political ones, conspicuous as it now is in Italy, France, Germany, Great Britain, and Ireland, is still more so in Spain. In the desamortization of the property of the church, the government promised to make provision for the clergy, secular and regular, including the ex-claustrated monks and nuns, many of whom had as good title to the property in their possession as any other proprietor in the country; but thus far this solemn engagement has not been fulfilled, to the consequence of almost universal discontent and disaffection on the part of the clergy. Don Alfonso will of course be called on to pay up all the long arrears of this national indebtedness. Then the clergy and their friends will undoubtedly exact the repeal of the new laws of civil marriage and registry, so as to restore to the church one of the potential elements of its authority, namely, its control of the three great stages of human life-birth, marriage, and death. More important than all which is the purpose to restore Catholic unity in Spain, which strikes deep into the very heart of many of the gravest practical questions of government. Next comes the question of the public finances, a problem apparently absolutely insoluble. If the people of Spain could be reconciled to paper-money or a legal-tender legislation like ours, she would be relieved at once of her financial difficulties. But that seems impos |