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XIX.

1422.

CHAP. place between these powers in the ecclesiastical body. But the great separation of the bishops in the several states, and the difficulty of assembling them, gave the pope a mighty advantage, and made it more easy for him to centre all the powers of the hierarchy in his own person. The cruelty and treachery which attended the punishment of John Huss and Jerom of Prague, the unhappy disciples of Wickliffe, who, in violation of a safe conduct, were burned alive for their errors by the council of Constance, proves this melancholy truth, that toleration is none of the virtues of priests in any form of ecclesiastical government. But as the English nation had little or no concern in these great transactions, we are here the more concise in relating them.

THE first commission of array which we meet with, was issued in this reign. The military part of the feudal system, which was the most essential circumstance of it, was entirely dissolved; and could no longer serve for the defence of the kingdom. Henry, therefore, when he went to France in 1415, empowered certain commissioners to take, in each county, a review of all the freemen able to bear arms, to divide them into companies, and to keep them in readiness for resisting an enemy. This was the era when the feudal militia in England gave place to one which was perhaps still less orderly and regular.

We have an authentic and exact account of the ordinary revenue of the crown during this reign; and it amounts only to 55,714 pounds 10 shillings and 10 pence a year. This is nearly the same with the revenue of Henry III. and the kings of England had neither become much richer nor poorer in the course of so many years. The ordinary expense of the government amounted to 42,507 pounds 16 shillings and 10 pence: So that the king had a surplus only of 13,206 pounds 14 shillings for the support of his household; for his wardrobe; for the expense of embassies; and other articles. This sum was

nowise sufficient: He was therefore obliged to have frequent recourse to parliamentary supplies, and was thus, even in time of peace, not altogether independent of his

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XIX.

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people. But wars were attended with a great expense, CHAP. which neither the prince's ordinary revenue, nor the extraordinary supplies, were able to bear; and the sovereign was always reduced to many miserable shifts, in order to make any tolerable figure in them. He commonly borrowed money from all quarters; he pawned his jewels, and sometimes the crown itself; he ran in arrears to his army; and he was often obliged, notwithstanding all these expedients, to stop in the midst of his career of victory; and to grant truces to the enemy. The high pay which was given to soldiers agreed very ill with this low income. All the extraordinary supplies granted by parliament to Henry during the course of his reign, were only seven tenths and fifteenths, about 203,000 pounds. It is easy to compute how soon this money must be exhausted by armies of 24,000 archers, and 6000 horse; when each archer had six-pence a day," and each horseman two shillings. The most splendid successes proved commonly fruitless, when supported by so poor a revenue; and the debts and difficulties which the king thereby incurred made him pay dear for his victories. The civil administration likewise, even in time of peace, could never be very regular, where the government was so ill enabled to support itself. Henry, till within a year of his death, owed debts which he had contracted when prince of Wales." It was in vain that the parliament pretended to restrain him from arbitrary practices, when he was reduced to such necessities. Though the right of levying purveyance, for instance, had been expressly guarded against by the great charter itself, and was frequently complained of by the commons, it was found absolutely impracticable to abolish it; and the parliament at length, submitting to it as a legal prerogative, contented themselves with enacting laws to limit and confine it. The duke of Glocester, in the reign of Richard II. possessed a revenue of 60,000 crowns (about 30,000 pounds a year of our present money), as we learn from Froissard,* and was, consequently,

t Parliamentary History, vol. ii. p. 168.

s Rymer, vol. x. p. 190. u It appears from many passages of Rymer, particularly vol. ix. p. 258. that the king paid 20 marks a year for an archer, which is a good deal above six-pence a day. The price had risen, as is natural, by raising the denomination of money. w Rymer, vol. x. p. 114. x Liv. iv. chap. 86. VOL. II. L 11

CHAP. richer than the king himself, if all circumstances be duly considered.

1422.

IT is remarkable that the city of Calais alone was an annual expense to the crown of 19,119 pounds; that is, above a third of the common charge of the government in time of peace. This fortress was of no use to the defence of England, and only gave that kingdom an inlet to annoy France. Ireland cost two thousand pounds a year, over and above its own revenue; which was certainly very low. Every thing conspires to give us a very mean idea of the state of Europe in those ages.

FROM the most early times, till the reign of Edward III. the denomination of money had never been altered : a pound sterling was still a pound troy; that is, about three pounds of our present money. That conqueror was the first that innovated in this important article. In the twentieth of his reign he coined twenty-two shillings from a pound troy; in his twenty-seventh year he coined twenty-five shillings. But Henry V. who was also a conqueror, raised still farther the denomination, and coined thirty shillings from a pound troy: His revenue, therefore, must have been about 110,000 pounds of our present money; and, by the cheapness of provisions, was equivalent to above 330,000 pounds,

NONE of the princes of the house of Lancaster ventured to impose taxes without consent of parliament: Their doubtful or bad title became so far of advantage to the constitution. The rule was then fixed, and could not safely be broken afterwards, even by more absolute princes.

y Rymer, vol. x. p. 113.

z Fleetwood's Chronicon Preciosum, p. 52

CHAP. XX.

HENRY VI.

Government during the minority-State of France-Military operations-Battle of Verneuil-Siege of Orleans -The maid of Orleans-The siege of Orleans raised -The king of France crowned at Rheims-Prudence of the duke of Bedford-Execution of the maid of Orleans-Defection of the duke of Burgundy-Death of the duke of Bedford-Decline of the English in France-Truce with France-Marriage of the king with Margaret of Anjou-Murder of the duke of Glocester-State of France-Renewal of the war with France-The English expelled France.

XX.

1422. Govern

ment dur

DURING the reigns of the Lancastrian princes, CHAP. the authority of parliament seems to have been more confirmed, and the privileges of the people more regarded, than during any former period; and the two preceding kings, though men of great spirit and abilities, abstained ing the mi from such exertions of prerogative, as even weak princes, nority. whose title was undisputed, were tempted to think they might venture upon with impunity. The long minority, of which there was now the prospect, encouraged still farther the lords and commons to extend their influence, and without paying much regard to the verbal destination of Henry V. they assumed the power of giving a new arrangement to the whole administration. They declined altogether the name of Regent with regard to England: They appointed the duke of Bedford protector or guardian of that kingdom, a title which they supposed to imply less authority: They invested the duke of Glocester with the same dignity during the absence of his elder brother :

a Rymer, vol. x. p. 261. Cotton, p. 564.

444

XX.

1422.

CHAP. And, in order to limit the power of both these princes, they appointed a council without whose advice and approbation no measure of importance could be determined.b The person and education of the infant prince was committed to Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, his great uncle, and the legitimated son of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster; a prelate who, as his family could never have any pretensions to the crown, might safely, they thought, be entrusted with that important charge. The two princes, the dukes of Bedford and Glocester, who seemed injured by this plan of government, yet, being persons of great integrity and honour, acquiesced in any appointment which tended to give security to the public; and as the wars in France appeared to be the object of greatest moment, they avoided every dispute which might throw an obstacle in the way of foreign conquests.

State of
France.

WHEN the state of affairs between the English and French kings was considered with a superficial eye, every advantage seemed to be on the side of the former: and the total expulsion of Charles appeared to be an event which might naturally be expected from the superior power of his competitor. Though Henry was yet in his infancy, the administration was devolved on the duke of Bedford, the most accomplished prince of his age; whose experience, prudence, valour, and generosity, qualified him for his high office, and enabled him both to maintain union among his friends, and to gain the confidence of his enemies. The whole power of England was at his command: He was at the head of armies inured to victory: He was seconded by the most renowned generals of the age, the earls of Somerset, Warwic, Salisbury, Suffolk, and Arundel, sir John Talbot, and sir John Fastolfe: And besides Guienne, the ancient inheritance of England, he was master of the capital, and of almost all the northern provinces, which were well enabled to furnish him with supplies both of men and money, and to assist and support his English forces. BUT Charles, notwithstanding the present inferiority of his power, possessed some advantages, derived partly from his situation, partly from his personal charaç

b Cotton, p. 564,

e Hall, fol. 83. Monstrelet, vol. ii. p. 27.

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