Sir, a learned gentleman of our fifter kingdom, whose tract against the Union is certainly the performance of a man of abilities*, has, however, a very curious way of arguing on the fact, which he admits, that the Union has not occafioned emigration and non-refidence in Scotland; but the analogy of which, in regard to what there may be reafon to expect in the cafe of Ireland, he will by no means allow. The fact he admits in these very strong terms: Can there be adduced five instances • of men of rank in Scotland, however powerful and extended their English connexions, whose chief or least temporary refidence is not in Scotland +? And again: A Scotch abfentee is only a political or commercial fpeculator, who will in the end enrich and adorn his • native country: his money, acquired where it may be, and after abfence ever fo long, centers there .'

But this, it seems, is all the anomalous effect of a peculiar nationality in the Scotch §, which a similarity of circumstances has no tendency to produce in any other people, and efpecially not in the Irish; though many of the inhabitants of one part of that country are not very distant defcendants from Scottish ancestors, and most of the rest throughout the kingdom are probably either fprung from one common Celtic stock with the Highlanders, or else of that Saxon or Teutonic race who appear, in the early ages of the Christian æra, to have over-run and fettled themselves in all the low country of Scotland as well as of England.

* A Reply, &c. by Richard Jebb, Esq.

† Ibid. p. 49.

Ibid.

§ Ibid.

An

.

An Irishman, it feems, is a being of a different fort. Scarcely an inftance,' it is faid, occurs of the wealth and influence obtained by Irifhmen in England, pro'ducing advantage to Ireland: they feem afhamed of the name, and eager to diveft themfelves of all pretenfions 'to it t.'

Alas! Sir, it is painful to fee that men of understanding can refort to fuch grounds of oppofition, or suffer themselves to fall into reafonings and opinions scarcely fit for the most vulgar minds, and entirely unworthy of the cultivated fenfe which feems to belong to this gentleman, and ought to be the attribute of all who profess themselves either lawyers or statesmen.

If the difference in the general conduct of the Irish and Scotch were really as notorious as he has perfuaded himfelf it is, the experiment of the effects of an Union upon the former has not been tried, and he does not appear to have made any inquiry how the cafe ftood as to abfentees from Scotland previous to 1707. He found an easier folution of the fuppofed difference in the hackneyed imputation or praise of Scotch nationality; he fays it is a praife, and when duly regulated I think it is, though I verily believe not more due to the Scotch than, where circumstances happen to be fimilar, than to the Yorkshire, Cornish, or Welsh man; or indeed to Frenchmen, Swedes, Danes, Germans, or Italians.

I imagine this gentleman would take it very ill, I think with reafon, if a stranger were to pronounce fo

† A Reply, &c. by Richard Jebb, Efq. p. 49.

Ibid. p. 50.

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unjust

unjust a judgment as he has done upon his countrymen. Unjuft I certainly think it is; I myfelf could mention. various ftriking instances to the contrary of what he has alleged. I could felect from many others the example of a refpectable Nobleman of that country, who, after filling with great honour and credit fome of the principal offices of government here, retired to Ireland, and fuccefsfully devoted the remainder of his days to the improvement of that part of the kingdom where his chief property lay; having ever been, through the courfe of his political life, a watchful guardian of the interests and well-being of the whole. I mean the late Lord Hillf borough, whom I mention with the more pleasure, because he who understood the affairs of Ireland fo well, is known to have been always a ftrenuous and anxious advocate for a legislative Union. Sir, I could in like manner specify examples of Irish gentlemen in other walks of life, who having by their talents and exertions in remote countries, in the East and in the Weft, acquired eminence and fortune, have returned to their native land, and, vefting their riches in purchases there, have become active and useful magiftrates, able commanders of the national troops, and members both of the one and the other House of Parliament.

But even if it were true, that fuch inftances have been more rare in Ireland than in Scotland, would it be any very extravagant conjecture to fuppofe, that the real reafons have been the greater tranquillity which prevails in the one in confequence of a Union, and the more turbulent and unfettled ftate of the other for want of it? Would not thofe indifputable circumstances of difference account for fuch a difference in the conduct of the natives of the two countries, more fatisfactorily than fuppofed diftinc

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tions of national character, which may ferve to amuse in a farce, or occafion merriment or quarrels in a coffeehouse, but can never be entitled to hold a place in grave difcuffion or ferious debate?

But, Sir, the Gentlemen who in this place have refifted the progrefs of the bufinefs now again brought before us; as well those who object to the competency and general expediency;—as well the very few who I think have gone the length of declaring a rooted opinion, that the Union never can, at any time, or with any fort of confent, be advisable ;-as those who profess, fome a belief, others even a wish, that it may at some future period be adopted;—all appear to concur in contending, that the present time and occafion are unfit; that the people of Ireland are not prepared; that they have not been habituated to the contemplation of the measure, as thofe of Scotland had been for above a century; that they have inveterate prejudices against it, which have now universally manifested themselves, and which ought to be first by gentle and gradual means removed: whereas, as has also been alledged, it was always the favourite project of Scotland Laftly, two other plans have been propounded,—plans widely different the one from the other, by which it is fuppofed that thofe diforders and misfortunes of Ireland which a legislative Union would only exaggerate, might be cured, and the dangers which are apprehended even to Great Britain. from fuch a Union, prevented.

As to the time, I differ fo much from those Gentlemen, that if on other occafions the measure would have been wife, I believe it has now become neceffary. In fupport of which opinion, I cannot imagine a more convincing argu

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argument than the avowed, the long avowed, fear of a Union, among that too numerous clafs of men in Ireland, who have now openly profeffed their plan and object to be, a Separation. I need not again mention the declarations of Tone, or the confeffions of Emmet, M'Nevin, and others. The proof is deeply engraven on all our memories. It has been written in characters of blood over the whole face of that defolated ifland. But when I know that the affociates of those very men by whom the arms were forged which were intended for the deftruction of the true independency, liberty, and constitution of their country, and who prepared that moral and political poifon which was to corrupt and extinguish every virtuous and religious, every British principle, in the minds of their countrymen, are full of trembling apprehenfions, left this falutary antidote fhould be adminiftered in time-can I, aware as I am of the profound no less than wicked views, and the no less extraordinary than perverted talents of fome of those men—can I withstand fuch strong confirmation of the opinion, which on other, and more general grounds, forces itself fo powerfully on my mind, that we are come at last to that only alternative, Speedy Union, or early Separation?

As to those other and more general grounds to which I have once before alluded, I wish I could, confiftently with the orders of the House, refer to the ftrong and demonstrative reasoning concerning them, which fome of us may have had an opportunity of hearing delivered elsewhere *. They are among the most important branches of the fubject, but are too copious and extenfive for me to enter upon at present.

*Lord Minto's Speech in the House of Lords, 11th April 1799, fince printed.