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pally to that essential part of the articles, the incorporation of the Legislatures.

It is therefore clear that a much stronger prejudice, a much more violent spirit, discovered themselves against the Scotch Union than it has been possible to excite in Ireland on the present occasion. The fame prejudice certainly continued for a sew years afterwards, fomented by the partifans of the exiled family, on the one hand, and all who wished to thwart the existing administration, on the other; and this prejudice, no doubt, contributed^ very much to increase the temporary infatuation of the Scotch Lords in 1713, who, on the occasion of the malttax I mentioned some time ago, moved for the dissolution of the Union.

But the good sense of that nation, and their early seeling of the benefits daily accruing to them from the,measure, soon appear to have made converts, even of the still numerous class of adherents to James. A most striking fact in proof of this was mentioned in a former debate by my Right Honourable Friend the Secretary of State. He did not think it necessary to state authorities for a circumstance so well known to many persons converfant in the events of those times; but from his not having done so, occasion was taken to suggest a doubt concerning it ||.

A sew words will take away every pretext for any such doubt. The fact stated was, that the Pretender in 17^15, two years only after the affair of the malt, knowing the resistance to the Union which had been so very general throughout Scotland at the time it was in agitation, had,

|| 7th February. Parliamentary Register, vol, vii. p. 734.,

in the manisesto he was about to issue, declared his purpose to be (bat it should be dissolved, but that upon better inquiry he discov red that the country had already become so sensible os its beneficial consequences, that such a declaration would injure his cause, and that he had therefore altered 'is design, and omitted the intended clause in his proclamation.

Now, S',r, this fact, besides other proof, is completely established by an extract lately printed in Dr. Somerville's History of Queen Anne from the manuscript Memorials of Sir John Clerk, a gentleman of character and eminence in the beginning of the century, member of the last Parliament of Scotland, and who was much in the confidence of the principal persons concerned in Scotch affairs at the time of the Union and for many years afterwards. Those Memorials were written frefli as the events occurred, for the use and instruction of his own family. The words of the manuscript are these: 'The Scots

were so sensible of the benefit of the Union, that at the

* time of the rebellion, in 1715, the Pretender was 'obliged to alter that part of his proclamation which pro

* rnised lo repeal the Union, and to express his determi< nation to leave it to the decision of Parliament *.'

The apprehensions of inconvenience to Great Britain which I have heard stated, have been, isi, removal of Capital; 2d, the increased numbers in the House of Commons; 3d, some supposed incongruity between the national habits and character of the people of Ireland

Smerville'i History of Queen Anne, p. 22S. Note 4.

4 and and os those os this country, which may occasion an injurious change in the character, modes, and principles of deliberation and deci'ion of our Legislature. To these I iray Hd an objection which is of a general nature, and not applicr'o'e more to i're case of the one country than %o tSut of the other ; viz. 4th, that a Union on the basis of the Resolutions now before us will be impersect.

I. As to the removal of capital, I will only fay a single word or two, in addition to what I have already yery shortly observed on that subject *; namely, that if there is, in the overflowing capital of this country, a great deal beyond what is engaged in its commerce and agriculture, that surplus cannot be more advantageously laid out for Great Britain than by the employment of it in what will then make a part of one and the fame kingdom. We are indeed told, ' that the capital of * England is so fully employed, that there is none to 4 spare -}-.' But I know not how that opinion is to be reconciled to the eagerness with which, to this moment, we see men ready to engage large sums in every new speculation affording a reasonable prospect of security for their principal, though with a very moderate interest upon it—many people of late, to a great extent of adventure, running the hazard of failure altogether, and yel agreeing to confine their returns, whatever may be the success of the undertaking, within the narrowest limits of what is usually considered as fair mercantile profit; many to 10 J, some even to 5, per cent. How

• Supra, p. 31, 32.

+ Mr. Fofler'% Speech, p. 86.

X Ten per cent, is the dividend to which, I believe, Parliament

Pof late confined most of those enterprises to which its sanction been given. is is it to be reconciled to the daily investments of large sums in the stocks,while the dividends amount to little more than 5 per cent. § ? or to the known fact, that an immense, proportion of the trade of many parts of the continent, I sear no inconsiderable share of that of the enemy, i. carried on with British capital; not to mention what, even under the present forbidding circumstances, is engaged in the commerce of Ireland itself ||?

2. Some Gentlemen dread the accession of a hundred' members (I speak, as they did, hypothetically) to the British Parliament. This, it is thought, may change the cast and quality of this House as a public assembly, and. render it too popular and tumultuous.

Sir, I wilt not deny that I have selt some difficulty on this part of the subject. Indeed I should be ashamed to dissemble any objection which may have weighed with me, in a case where I look upon it as a duty,—it is so, undoubtedly, in all deliberations here,—but in a peculiar degree as a duty, to examine the question, not as an advocate, and for desence, but, as far as I am capable, as a judge who is, in his share and proportion, to decide upon it.

But, Sir, I have considered, on the other hand, that this, at most, is but a conjectural difadvantage, and of a very secondary sort at all events, when balanced against

$ They now fall short of it.

|| I believe the commerce of Ireland has always been carried on in a very considerable proportion with English capital. Sir William Petty, in the last century, faid, 4 The stock which drives the * foreign trade of Ireland doth near half of it belong to those who 'live out of Ireland.* Political Anatomy of Ireland, p. 90.


\he calamity of separation, which I think I see is already put into the opposite scale.

I have also recollected, that by the original principle of our constitution, the Crown, and of course the English Parliament, could increase, without any fixed limitation, the number of representative members; that in the reigns of Henry the Eighth and his descendants, this prerogative was exercised to a great extent and without inconvenience—I may fay to the improvement of this branch of the Legislature; that the fame power continued to exist till the Union with Scotland, in which country it also obtained, and had been exercised from time to time *; that in like manner the incorporation on that occasion of forty-five new members with the former number in England has produced no such inconvenience as is suggested; and lastly, that I have not observed or heard that the great and frequent fluctuation in the attendance here from under a hundred to perhaps five hundred and upwards, has been the cause of any essential distinction in the nature of parliamentary measures, considered in a constitutional view; for I do not think we are to be guided, in this part of the argument, by any consideration of the effects of such fluctuations, as to party, to points of a momentary nature, or to what are sometimes called trials of strength between individuals, or this and that class of men, on matters not of important consequence to the slate and the community.

3. The next apprehension I am not sure whether 1 rightly understand ; but I think it was stated as if it were conceived that the habits and turn of the Irish Gentlemen

* Supra, p. 117.


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