a member of such societies, they shall, upon summary conviction before a magistrate, be liable to a certain fine, to be summarily inflicted. Looking at the description of persons who in general compose these associations, I hope that this regulation will be attended with the most salutary effect. Persuaded that even this simple mode of proceeding, and this very gentle punishment will be effectual, I am happy to propose, as a remedy for the evil, a measure which so little trenches upon those bulwarks of liberty which it must be oùr wish to preserve. At the same time, while in a political view it may attain the object desired, the punishment it provides in a moral view, is by no means commensurate to the guilt which it affects.

That there are degrees of guilt among the members of these societies is obvious; it is necessary to keep this distinction before us. To be merely one of the herd may not be so criminal as to take an active part in promoting the illegal purposes for which the illegal association is formed. I should propose therefore to give an option, either to proceed by summary conviction and fine, or by way of indictment in any court of record, leaving it to the discretion of the court to punish the offenders by fine or im prisonment, or, in cases of greater aggravation, by transportation.

It will be necessary likewise to provide, that the law shall not be confined in its operation to the societies already known by the names enumerated, but to societies of the same kind, and directed to the same objects, by whatever varying appellations they may be distinguished. Of this kind are those where there exists an unlawful and wicked engagement of mutual fidelity and secrecy, such as we have seen so much prevail. It shall apply to those where the same illegal bond prevails, which unhappily has been found to have so great an influence on the weak and ignorant minds of the deluded people; where is practised that mysterious secrecy in the appointment of the members and the committees, the president, secretaries, and the whole management of the affairs of the society. All those associations, where such practices exist, shall be declared unlawful. I need not hesitate

to propose to accompany this provision with one which is necessary to its effect. This is to subject the masters of those houses where such meetings assemble, whether public or private, to a fine. Persons who have been members, and withdrawing themselves before a given day, to be exempted from the operation of the law. These regulations, in themselves so perfectly free from the imputation of severity, will, I hope, be sufficient to secure the objects we have in view. Such will be the first branch of the second measure which I feel it my duty to propose,

The next part of the bill would be intended to remedy an evil of inferior importance, one which in a certain degree must fall under the daily observation of every man who hears me, and which has formed a part of the plan so incessantly pursued, of perverting the understanding, depraving the minds, and corrupting the morals of the people of this country:-I allude to the Debating Societies, which, conducted as they have been, and directed to the questions they discuss, tend to undermine all the principles of morality in the minds of those by whom they are frequented. Some time ago it will be recollected that persons publicly delivered lectures of the most seditious tendency, and when these were prohibited by the laws so properly introduced for the remedy of such abuses, they assumed the title of historical lectures, and, with little variation, were directed to the same objects as before. Discussions of this nature in the hands by which they were taken up, and with the audience to whom they were addressed, were employed to attack all religion, govern ment, and society, and though in the outset they may not so directly lead to the consequences which it was the object of the conspirations of this country to attain, they ultimately tend to prepare the minds of men for those horrors and calamities, which are the infallible consequences of those principles against which it is our duty to provide. To prevent such dangerous abuses, it will be a part of the proposed measure to extend the provisions against seditious lectures and political discussions, to all places where money is taken at the door, making this the criterion, and putting them upon the footing of disorderly houses, unless where a

licence has been previously taken out, and where they are subject to the inspection of the magistrate. By this regulation I conceive no innocent pursuit or amusement will be obstructed, and the public will be protected from an evil, of a danger far beyond the importance of those from whom it proceeds.

The provisions which I shall have the honour to propose, will likewise be directed against another part of that plan, pursued with no less industry to poison the minds of the ignorant and un wary. It has been the proud and distinguishing principle of the law of England, that the liberty of the press has been cherished as the most invaluable bulwark of liberty. It certainly is one from which, when not abused, the greatest advantages might be derived, but when abused and perverted, it has fed to the greatest mischiefs. It has, therefore, been the object of the law of this country, without imposing any previous restraint to secure a subsequent responsibility in the author and publisher, if they should be guilty of private libels or public treason. Those publications of a higher order, under the laws of the country, and the prevalent spirit of loyalty in the people, are tolerably sure of being subjected to punishment for their libels, at least those of a more flagrant nature. Happily those libels, formerly so prevalent, are, owing to these causes, more restrained. Unfortunately, however, we have seen the liberty of the press abused in a way most calculated to pervert and mislead the lower orders. Instead of being employed to communicate knowledge and instruc tion, it has been perverted to give false and imperfect representations of facts, and inadequate or improper discussions of subjects in nowise adapted to those to whom they were addressed, and fitted to produce the greatest mischief to those who are the immediate objects, and ultimately to the public itself. Hence has been prosecuted to such an extent the plan of disseminating handbills, tending to poison the minds of the people, to deprave their morals, to pervert their loyalty, and to undermine their religion. Against this species of mischief some new provisions are necessary, the object of which will be always to have responsible the author or publisher. This regulation is strictly in the spirit of

the constitution. If in its application it is new, it is because the evil is likewise new, while the remedy is so unexceptionable in its nature, that it must be approved by all who value public mo rals and public tranquillity.

A provision, the object of which is so legitimate, cannot be felt as a restraint by those who are engaged in the regular trade connected with the press. What is required, is to have the name of a publisher affixed to every hand-bill, as in every other spécies of publication. To prevent their being issued from private presses, it will be necessary to obtain some knowledge of these who may have such implements in their possession. To obtain this, it is proposed to have a register kept at those places where types are fabricated, (which are not very numerous) to discover who acquire them, to make those who now have presses register them, and make it necessary for every publication circulated to bear the name of the publisher affixed to it. This regulation, I am sure, will not injure the cause of science, literature and improvement, or even interfere with any innocent amusement, while it will secure the public against the circulation of anonymous treason, sedition, or impiety, by which, in the quarters most exposed, the pillars of morality, religion, and government

are attacked.

Such is the third object of the measure which I shall propose. The report of the committee will remain for further considera tion, and it will be for the house to consider whether the nature of the dangers to which we are exposed, demands any fresh precautions. The circumstances of the times require a vigilance always ready to accommodate our measures of security to the degree of malignity which danger may assume, and to vary their remedies with the changing character of the evil by which we are threatened. Fortunate shall we be if the wise, moderate, and salutary provisions already adopted or proposed, shall prove adequate to the inveteracy of the disease, the virulence of which neither detection nor punishment, or a sense of the blessings we enjoy, nor of the horrible calamities with which the princi ples of jacobinism have desolated Europe, has been able to

abate. In spite of every discouragement and every obstacle, treason has pursued its purposes. Happily, this country has been shielded from the calamities of French principles and French treasons, by the well tempered vigour of its government, and the prevalent active loyalty of its people. Yet, against all this opposition conspiracy has struggled. Vigilance and energy are still requisite to secure the blessings so firmly maintained. Upon every occasion it has been the honourable character of parliament to have exerted a vigour limited to the necessity of the case. It has kept up to the urgency of the danger, and never overstepped the bounds of moderation. Preserving the liberties of the country sacred and unimpaired, it has displayed an energy proportioned to the magnitude of the crisis; and, guided by the same principles, I trust it will continue to pursue that course which has secured the constitution, the liberties, the prosperity, and the happiness of this country. I shall now move, Sir, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that a bill be brought in to renew and amend the bill passed in the thirty-eighth of his present Majesty, for securing and detaining persons accused of treason and sedition; and that a bill be brought in to suppress seditious societies and seditious practices."

The resolutions were passed without a division.

June 7, 1799.

THE House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, his Majesty's message, which had been referred to the committee the preceding day, acquainting the House with the engagements entered into between his Majesty and the Emperor of Russia, was read.

MR. PITT then rose, and in a short speech moved "that the sum of 825,000l. be granted to his Majesty, to enable his Majesty to fulfil his engagements with Russia in such a manner as may be best adapted to the exigencies of the case

Mr. Tierney opposed the motion on the ground of its object being unde fined. He called upon ministers to declare what was the common cause, they talked of, and what was meant by the deliverance of Europe; asserting, that he would not vote any sums for a purpose which he did not understand, and in aid of a power whose object he did not know, which might be appropriated