as to deny, that were government to pay the debts they owe to the bank, it would not operate as a relief to that corporation, because it would not be paid off in cash. Now, Sir, it is very easy to apply this or any other epithet to this or any other argument, and it would be very easy for me to apply the same epithet to a contrary opinion, and leave the house to judge between us ; but notwithstanding the epithet, I will venture to assert that though. government were to pay all the debt they owe to the bank, it would not go to alter the quantity of cash. And if the object be to re-establish a due proportion between the cash and the notes of the bank, I will put it to any mercantile man in the house, whether this can be done without increasing this cash, but merely by taking their notes out of circulation. A considerable reduction of notes may be wise, but to pay off all the debt due by government to the bank is neither practicable within a short time, nor, even though it were practicable, would it have the desired effect The first motion, therefore, which I shall propose is, that the operation of the order in council shall be continued under the authority of a committee of the legislature for a time to be limited; and if this motion is agreed to, I shall then propose that the same committee shall be revived, in order to inquire into the necessity of taking the measure, and also to investigate the causes which gave rise to that necessity.

There is another motion of which I gave notice, and which I shall certainly take an early opportunity of submitting to the house, namely, that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the whole state of the finances of the country. Steps cannot be taken too soon to ascertain and put upon record every thing that relates to the real situation and resources of the country; and in that prospect I shall only say that I entertain the most sanguine hopes that, however severely we may feel the pressure of present difficulties, whatever difference of opinion may prevail respecting the conduct of government, and however much the nation may feel from the variety and weight of its burdens, the wealth of the country is great, and that it still possesses a vast extent of solid

resources. I wish most earnestly that this inquiry may extend as far as, consistently with propriety and a due regard to the public service, it can be carried. It is my desire that it may embrace the whole amount of the burdens incurred since the commencement of the war, and the means provided for defraying them; the whole amount of the burdens that may be necessary for the present year, accompanied with the examination of the measures which have been taken for the reduction of the national debt, together with a scrutiny into the public expenses, with a view if possible to abridge them, consistently with the interests of the public service. I would caution gentlemen, however, against rashly deciding upon the possibility of this reduction, before they inquire whether the service performed can either be dispensed with or purchased at a cheaper rate. On these grounds I shall move, "that the chairman be instructed to move for leave to bring in a bill to confirm and continue the order in council of the 26th of February, for a time to be limited.”

The motion was carried without a division.

Mr. PITT then moved:

"That the secret committee for inquiring into the affairs of the bank, be revived, and that it be referred to the same secret committee to inquire into the causes which had produced the order of council, and to report their opinion of the necessity of that measure."

On a motion by Mr. Harrison, "That the extent of the supplies voted to Government, since the commencement of the present war, having caused so heavy an increase of taxes, it is the duty of this House to inquire whether

some relief to the burdens of the people, or provision for further expense, may not be obtained by the reduction of useless places, sinecure offices, ex órbitant fees, and other modes of retrenchment in the expenditure of the public money,"

Mr. PITT spoke to the following effect:

Sir-Though the honourable mover, and the noble lord* who seconded the motion, have thought proper to enter into considerations, which so far from exactly applying to the subject before the house, go a very great extent beyond it, it is not my intention to enter minutely into objects so completely unconnected with the present motion, and which we may have many opportunities of discussing. It seems to me unnecessary to trouble the house with any allusions either to the origin, or conduct of the present war; or to take a review, or enter into a justification of the great and various questions which have been frequently agitated here. The noble lord has in his speech thought fit to condemn the measures adopted by the last parliament, for the preservation of the internal tranquillity of the kingdom, and the security of the state. But, Sir, the precautionary measures to which he has adverted were not, as he has been pleased to declare, retrenchments of the constitution, but essential safeguards against lawless attacks levelled at the British constitution by a faction, which, though small, was acting with the common enemy, and was openly proceeding not on British, but on French principles. The safety of the state at that time depended on the wise and just precautions which it was found necessary to take; and though I feel that any review of these transactions is foreign to the question on which we are called to decide; yet 1 trust I may be allowed to notice the manner in which the noble lord has referred to those measures which were calculated to oppose any check to the progress of French principles. He has, Sir, taken great pains to reprobate the proceedings of parliament on that momentous occasion, and the speech which he has delivered in support of his honourable friend's motion relates so little to the subject of it, that it appears to have been prepared for another

*Lord William Russell,

purpose, of which notice has been already given. [Mr. Pitt alJuded to Mr. Fox's notice of moving for the repeal of the treason and sedition bills.] But as these measures have been fully discussed and resolved by parliament, I cannot, until this house feels convinced of their error, suppose that they have agreed to improper proceedings. While their resolutions on those subjects stand on record, I am authorised in assuming, that they have acted on principles of public order against principles of anarchy and confusion; that they have supported the cause of true liberty against the ravages of licentiousness; that they have protected religion and morality against the desperate attempts of destructive innovation, and that they have preserved our constitution inviolate from the bold and daring attacks of a faction acting in concert with the common enemy of freedom, and of public and private happiness. So far, Sir, I conceive I have an undisputed right to argue on the solemn decision of this house. With respect to the manner in which the honourable gentleman has opened his motion, I am led to observe, that he has not entered into any specific grounds to support it. He has confined himself to very general statements, and he seems to have reserved himself for a particular detail on some other opportunity.

The honourable gentleman appears, from the words of his motion, to have two different objects in view. The first relates to making retrenchments, and correcting profusion in the established offices of government, and in sinecure places and pensions. The second has for its object an inquiry into the state of the national expenditure, and proposes a check on the expenses of the state. This, it is needless for me to urge, is comprehended in a resolution which has already passed this house, to inquire into the finances of the country, and to consider of the most practicable means for obtaining a diminution of the public expenditure. The honourable gentleman means to include in the investigation which he proposes, subjects of the most extensive and complicated nature. He wishes to embrace all the ordinary and extraordinary expenses of the different branches of government. He extends his inquiry into the dis

bursements of the army, navy, and every public establishment. I am ready to admit, that as far as this proposition goes, it forms a subject worthy the consideration of the house; and the magnitude of it appears to be such, that no man can say what will be the effect of it, or to what particular measures it may lead. Yet, Sir, the honourable gentleman, bringing before the house considerations of such extensive views, and of such high importance, adopts a very singular mode of proceeding. He does not think proper to offer matters so momentous and compli cated in their relations in a direct manner to parliamentary discussion, but states them as the objects of a collateral inquiry, and introduces them immediately after his motion for retrenchment in the offices of government. But certainly the honourable gentleman will not deny that there is an extreme difference between both objects: for the check which he proposes on the public expenses very much exceeds in importance that reform which he wishes should take place in the establishment and salaries of public offices. The distinction between these two objects being so evident, as the latter does not form any part whatever of the proposition formerly submitted to the house by the ho-、 nourable gentleman, nor of the notice which he gave of his motion of this night, I must consider the manner of introducing it not only irregular, but inadequate to the magnitude of the inquiry which he proposes to establish. I also think it necessary to remind gentlemen, that the objects which it comprehends, form the grounds of my motion for the appointment of the committee which has been this night chosen by ballot. I stated in general terms, previous to my bringing forward that motion, the various points to which the attention of the committee was to be directed; but I could not, until I had appointed that committee, proceed to offer, in a specific manner, each of these points. I therefore only stated, that it was my wish and desire to move, as an instruction to the committee, that after inquiring into, and ascertaining the whole state of the finances of the country; after reviewing the whole amount of the debt which had been incurred during the war; after investigating