tion at some future time. He left that time to my discretion, merely remarking that memoirs of this kind ought not, in his opinion, to be locked up until they had lost their principal interest by the death of all those who had taken any part in the events they describe. He placed several of the earlier volumes at once in my hands, and he intimated to his surviving brother and executor, Mr. Henry Greville, his desire that the remainder should be given me for this purpose. This injunction was at once complied with after Mr. Charles Greville's death, and this interesting deposit has now remained for opinion this period of time is long enough to remove every reasonable objection to the pub THE three volumes, the title of which we have prefixed to this article, are a very curious and interesting work. They are the journal of the late Mr. Charles Greville, kept by him during the reigns of George IV. and William IV., and containing notices, memoranda, and remarks from time to time on men, politics, and society during that important and eventful period. The author was a man whose social position gave him access to all cir-nearly ten years in my possession. In my cles, and whose friendship with many of the distinguished men of the time afforded him unusual opportunities of informa-lication of a contemporary record of events tion. The journal dates as far back as interval, for the transactions related in these already separated from us by a much longer 1819, while the author lived until 1865, volumes commence in 1818 and end in 1837. but the portion now published ends with I therefore commit to the press that portion the accession of her present Majesty in of these memoirs which embraces the reigns 1837. It has one singular characteristic: of King George IV. and King William IV., that it faithfully reflects the author's im- ending with the accession of her present Majpressions at the moment; and these re-esty. main recorded, however much subsequent In the discharge of this trust I have been events may have altered or qualified them. We have these impressions substantially in their original form; and relating as they do to all the most prominent men and most remarkable public and political events of the day, they are a valuable addition to the history of the times. Now and then the author interpolates a note expressive of the effect of subsequent reflection or occurrences on the tenor of his narrative, or his recorded opinions. But, on the whole, the book contains the contemporaneous impressions, thoughts, and sentiments of a very acute observer, regarding all that is most interesting to the student of history during the years embraced in these volumes. The editor, in his preface, gives the following account of the circumstances to which the present publication owes its origin: The author of these journals requested me, in January 1865, a few days before his death, to take charge of them with a view to publica A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV. and King William IV. By the late CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, Esq., Clerk of the Council to those Sovereigns. Edited by HENRY REEVE, Registrar of the Privy Council. Three Volumes, 8vo. London: 1874. guided by no other motive than the desire to present these memorials to the world in a manner which their author would not have disapproved, and in strict conformity to his own wishes and injunctions. He himself, it should be said, had frequently revised them with great care. He had studiously omitted and erased passages relating to private persons and affairs, which could only serve to gratify the love of idle gossip and scandal. The journals contain absolutely nothing relating to his own family, and but little relating to his private life. In a passage (not now published) of his own writings, the author remarks, "A journal, to be good, true, and interesting, should be written without the slightest reference to publication but without any fear of it: it should be the transcript of a mind that can bear transcribing. I always contemplate the possibility that hereafter my journal will be read, and I regard with alarm and dislike the notion of its containing matters about myself which nobody will care to know." Upon these principles this journal has evidently been written. It is perfectly fearless, independent, and, as far as the information of the writer extended, true. Mr. Greville's own position, partly from the nature of the permanent office he held in the Privy Council, and partly from his personal intimacies with men of very opposite opinions, was a neutral one; but he used that neutral position with consummate judgment and address to remove obstacles, to allay irritations, to compose differences, and to promote, as far as lay in his power, the public welfare. Contented with his own social position, he was alike free from ambition and from vanity. No man was more entirely disinterested in his judgments on public affairs, for he had long made up his mind that he had nothing to gain or to lose by them, and in the opinions he formed, and on occasion energetically maintained, he cared for nothing but their justice and their truth. (Preface, p. viii.) No man was better qualified, by talents and by position, than the late clerk of the council to leave such a record of his times behind him. He had no political functions; he had no official knowledge of any political secrets; and he occupied a very favourable position for the observation of those who were more actively engaged in public life. But perhaps his own independence and impartiality rendered him too severe a critic of the mistakes and shortcomings of those who had to bear heavier responsibilities. holds it, it chafes him to see the end sacrificed to the frailties from which none are free, and the contingencies against which the ablest cannot provide. So that such a man is often apt to think "a plague of both your houses," and expresses his irritation in the retirement of his study in sharp and bitter phrases. Many of these harsh expressions, however, are but the reflection of temporary and passing moods of thought, which, as the book proceeds, are sometimes recanted altogether, and almost always qualified or balanced by hearty praise. The strength and pungency of Mr. Greville's language is unreserved, and he dashes off a man's character by his least amiable trait, as if he presented a complete and accurate portrait, whereas his mind was only occupied at the time by the quality on which he dilates. Hardly one of his great contemporaries escapes this process in the course of these volumes; yet the result is, in most instances, neither unfriendly nor untrue, and leaves the real character of the man not lower but more distinct than before. A man who writes history from wellinformed gossip in social circles contributes an important, although an unstable, element to truth, and many of the most interesting portions of Mr. Greville's journal throw a great deal of light on the causes of public events, although he himself truly says, in a very notable instance, that anecdotes are not historical facts (vol. i. p. 113). It is always a question of time when such materials can be legitimately used, for the freedom and confi A sharp, keen, critical man of society, moving in all circles and having access to all sources of information, but entirely removed by his office from political action, and for the most part a bystander, not a combatant, has no doubt many advantages when he records in private, day by day, what he has heard, and what he thinks of passing events. He looks on while the game proceeds; he watches its progress, and having no interest personally in the gain or loss, he is fairly impar-dence of social intercourse would be tial in his estimate of the skill and qualities of the players. Perhaps, however, he has some disadvantages also. The heat and collision of action and contest is an element in judging of public men which the cool spectator cannot possess. Seeing close at his side the errors, the blunders, the weaknesses of the actors, even those whom the outside audience applaud to the echo, the latter is apt to lack the toleration which the actual difficulties and responsibility of the crisis demand, and which the performers willingly accord. With a keen desire for the right, as he much restrained were the words which pass in the openness of friendship, however authentic and remarkable, to be treasured and forthwith given to the world. But the events which are here written of are nearly half a century old. The chief actors in them have passed away, and the topics which are current when this journal was penned, have long melted into the domain of history. One more remark we must make, on a feature which adds little or nothing to the information of the reader, and which recurs too frequently in these volumes. We allude to the broad and sometimes | which have been previously described by severe terms in which he speaks of the others the author's point of view is so unusual, his observation so acute, and his pen so sharp and racy, that we have derived much pleasure and amusement from his treatment of familiar scenes. two sovereigns whose reigns he illustrates. Royalty, of course, must, like other actors in public events, fall under the pen of the historian and the estimate of the critic; but mere personalities, It is impossible, either by criticism or however true in themselves, war with the extracts, to convey any sufficient impres instincts of this country, when used with sion of the merits of these volumes as a regard to their sovereigns. In an hered- commonplace book. Their resources are itary monarchy like ours we have not inexhaustible; and although strung toalways had the advantage of living in a gether without method, all incongruous reign in which, as in the present, the per- topics jostling each other, there is hardly sonal character and early training of the a page which does not contain materials sovereign has yielded so large an addi- both novel and interesting. The sketches tion of stability and lustre to the throne. given by Mr. Greville of the distinguished That her immediate predecessors fell far men of his time have the advantage of short of this standard is true; but there being drawn from life. With most of is little advantage in reviving old court them he lived on terms of intimacy, and gossip, notorious, though not forgotten, with all of them on terms of equality. He or in parading the weaknesses or follies is not dazzled by greatness, and speaks which in those days were to be found be- his mind with a freedom which sometimes hind the throne. Of the court and char- runs into censoriousness. Even with acter of George IV. there is nothing left those he most admired and liked, of for the public to learn, and little it can whom there are not many, he does not be profitable to remember. But his suc-scruple to press heavily on their foibles; cessor, although far from intellectually and if these have a harsh name, he gives able, did his best to govern honestly in it. As we have already said, his esti very difficult and trying circumstances. Mr. Greville himself says of him in 1830, soon after his accession, "The fact is he is an incomparable king, and deserves all the encomiums lavished on him" (vol. ii. p. 63). We therefore regret to find expressions erring as much in the way of disparagement as the sentence we have just quoted is extravagant in that of Some of these hasty judgments are praise. The parts of the book relative to amusing enough: it is diverting to see the royal family which we have read within the course of his memoranda how time the greatest pleasure are the notices of falsifies his opinions. He ventures on the Duke of York, from whom Mr. Gre- prophecy with considerable boldness; ville received much attention in early life, and he has courage enough to leave his and which are conceived in a pleasant and prediction uncancelled, and even to give kindly spirit, and are interesting in them-expression and point to his failure. He selves. But we pass on to matters which have more novelty, and are more likely to attract the attention of our readers. mates are hasty, sometimes entirely at fault. Yet the critic is kindly after all; acknowledges great qualities when he finds them; and finds them sometimes in quarters where it is plain he did not look for them. The result of all is not to lower great men in our eyes, but to make us know them better than we did. foretells perpetuity to Cabinets, when a few pages farther on record their downfall, and perpetual exclusion to statesThe journal has two aspects of inter- men who ruled this country for years est: one as a commonplace book, and a afterwards. So in his appreciation of men. portrait-gallery of remarkable men; the Lord Althorp's leadership of the House other as a key to important political he treats with derision when he first asevents at a momentous period of the his- sumed that office: and in this instance, tory of this country. Even when he although he admits on various occasions relates Occurrences and transactions the ability he displayed, his final judg admiration of readers, and he has probably conferred a great and permanent benefit upon the country. (Vol. iii. p. 344.) ment is much the same as his first. But he was wrong. Lord Althorp was not a great orator or debater; but he had qualities which made him a great leader of Mr. Greville lived to see Lord Russell the House of Commons, if leading con- become a most successful leader and a sist in inducing others to follow. He ruled with absolute sway in the first Re-with effect and spirit against all comers, formidable debater; holding his own formed Parliament, and in individual in- and quite able to cope with Peel even in fluence might fairly compare with the his most powerful days. It is remarkgreatest of his successors: and when his able, as the editor points out, that of a leadership came to an end, the reign of man who was twice prime minister, and his party ceased also. who led his party in the House of Commons for more than fifteen years, Mr. Greville should tell us that on the formation of the Grey government in 1831, 66 John Russell was to have the war office, but Tavistock entreated that the appointment might be changed, as his brother's health was unequal to it; so he was made paymaster" (vol. ii. p. 70). Lord Russell also he entirely misjudged, which is the more remarkable that he had, and expresses, the strongest personal regard for him. When he first assumed the leadership of his party in 1835, Mr. Greville writes under date April 3rd: If John Russell does come in, it is clear that he will have both Peel and Stanley in opposition to him, against whom in the nearly balanced state of parties he could not struggle on for a month. He was miserably feeble in this debate (in his opening speech), and though he may just do to lead an Opposition which wants no leading, and merely sticks him up as a nominal chief, he could no more lead a government in the House of Commons than he could command an army in the field. (Vol. iii. p. 240.) But he adds within brackets, under the date 1837, "So much for my prediction. Stanley's followers dropped off and left him alone, the government had no difficulty, and John Russell proved a very good leader." And so to be sure, in less than a year, the journal sounds a very different note. In February 1836 Mr. Greville thus writes: February 25th. Lord John Russell immortalized himself on Tuesday night. After a speech from Hume of three hours, in which he produced a variety of the most inconceivable letters from Kenyon, Wynford, Londonderry, and other Orangemen, but made the most miserable hash of his whole case, and instead of working up his ample materials with dexterity and effect stupidly blundering and wasting them all-after this speech John Russell rose, and in a speech far surpassing his usual form, dignified, temperate, and judicious, moved a resolution of a moderate and inoffensive character. The speech actually drew tears from the Orangemen, enthusiastic approbation from Stanley, a colder approval from Peel, and the universal assent of the House. . . . In accomplishing this by moderate and healing counsels, by a conciliatory tone and manner, Lord John Russell deserves the name of a statesman. His speech is worth a thousand flowery harangues which have elicited the shouts of audiences or the The notices of Lord Palmerston very dimly foreshadow his future greatness. The author did not mean or expect him to be great; and yet, in the very few fragmentary references to him there lurks evidently an uneasy suspicion that he might be wrong. The first time it flashes on him that there were the germs of distinction in the careless man of fashion, is on the debate on the Catholic question in 1829. "A speech from Lord Palmerston," he says, "which astonished everybody." "An imitation of Canning, and not a bad one" (vol. i. p. 191). In 1834 our author writes: Madame de Lieven told me that it was impossible to describe the contempt as well as dislike which the whole corps diplomatique had for Palmerston, and pointing to Talleyrand, who was sitting close by, “surtout lui.” They have the meanest opinion of his capacity, and his manners are the reverse of conciliatory. She cannot imagine how his colleagues bear with him, and Lord Grey supports him vehemently. The only friend he has in the cabinet is Graham, who has no weight. His unpopularity in his own office is quite as great as it is among the foreign ministers, and he does nothing, so that they do not make up in respect for what they want in inclination. (Vol. iii. pp. 56, 57.) Again, on the election in 1835 he writes: -"Palmerston is beaten in Hants, at which every one rejoices, for he is marvellously unpopular" (vol. iii. p. 197). But alas for Madame de Lieven's estimate-she had her own grievance about the Russian embassy and the gossip of the clubs, Mr. Greville tells us, ten pages on, of this inefficient and unpopular minister : The other night I met some clerks in the and discriminating estimate. He was an Foreign Office to whom the very name of unlucky minister, for he hardly ever had Palmerston is hateful, but I was surprised to a majority; but his services to the crown hear them (Mellish particularly, who can and the country at the commencement of judge both from capacity and opportunity) the present reign have laid the nation give ample testimony to his abilities. They under obligations they have not forgotsaid that he wrote admirably, and could express himself perfectly in French, very suffi- ten. "He is certainly a queer fellow," ciently in Italian, and understood German; writes Mr. Greville in July 1834, "to be that his diligence and attention were un-prime minister, and he and Brougham wearied he read everything and wrote an are two wild chaps to have the destinies immense quantity; that the foreign ministers of their country in their hands. I should (who detest him) did him justice as an excel- not be surprised if Melbourne was to lent man of business. His great fault is wantrouse his dormant energies, and be exof punctuality, and never caring for an en- cited by the greatness of his position, to gagement if it did not suit him, keeping display the vigour and decision in which everybody waiting for hours on his pleasure he is not deficient." or caprice. This testimony is beyond suspicion, and it is confirmed by the opinions of his colleagues; but it is certain that he cut a very poor figure in Parliament all the time he was in office before. (Vol. iii. pp. 210, 211.) And a year afterwards he inserts this palinode, which shows how misleading had been the elements on which his original judgment had been formed: There is no detailed character of Melbourne, but many characteristic notices scattered up and down the book illustrative of the man, with whom the author was on terms of intimacy. He mentions earlier in his journal a conversation he had with him about Palmerston, when Lord Melbourne assured him that there was no foundation for the assertion that he was unpleasant and haughty to his colleagues; in fact that he was quite the reverse. More interesting, however, to the general reader than his political career are some instances given by Mr. Greville of his wonderful literary knowledge. There are a couple of pages devoted to the description of two dinner-parties at Holland House, which are well worthy of being preserved, if it were only to teach a younger and more superficial generation how the last generation were wont to converse. Greville himself says of one It is surprising to hear how Palmerston is spoken of by those who know him well officially-the Granvilles, for example. Lady Granville, a woman expert in judging, thinks his capacity first-rate; that it approaches to greatness from his enlarged views, disdain of trivialities, resolution, decision, confidence, and above all his contempt of clamour and abuse. She told me that Madame de Flahaut had a letter written by Talleyrand soon after his first arrival in England, in which he talked with great contempt of the ministers generally, Lord Grey included, and said there was but one statesman among them, and that was Palmerston. His ordinary conversation ex-of these parties: hibits no such superiority; but when he takes his pen in his hand his intellect seems to have full play, and probably when engaged exclu-day, where I had not been these two years. September 5th.-At Holland House yestersively in business. (Vol. iii. p. 366.) Met Lord Holland at court, who made me Talleyrand's good opinion had been pre-go.... Spring Rice and his son, Melbourne, viously noticed. The old statesman had and Palmerston dined there: Allen was at recognized the ring of true metal, al- Dulwich, but came in the evening, and so did though the clubs were deaf to it. It is Bobus Smith. There was a great deal of very certainly not impossible that Lord Pal-good talk, anecdotes, literary criticism, and merston may have given no measure of membering, though hardly sufficiently striking what not, some of which would be worth rehis real capacity during the twenty years to be put down, unless as forming a portion that he filled a subordinate office in a of a whole course of conversations of this Tory government, and may, when he description. A vast depressic came over my assumed the direction of foreign affairs, spirits, though I was amuse, and I don't have exerted himself to make up for past suppose I uttered a dozen words. It is cerdeficiencies; for no man was more sensi-tainly true that the atmosphere of Holland ble of failure, and he never allowed false pride to impede his endeavours to repair an error. This, indeed, was one secret of his ultimate and unquestioned suprem acy. Of the gay, witty, insouciant, and able Melbourne our author had a more just House is often oppressive, but that was not |