remedy a defect in Scotch secondary schools, which has been a fruitful source of weakness. He must determine the relation of the head-master to the other members of the staff. We can conceive of no more mistaken idea than one unfortunately prevalent in Scotland, that a large school can be successfully managed as a republic, the masters having co-ordinate or practically coordinate powers. In far too many cases, the only difference between the head-master and his subordinates is, that he is called head-master, and they subordinates, the names in both cases being misnomers. There are schools that have languished for years from this cause, and, directly the organisation was changed, the rector being invested with rectorial power, have developed a vitality and activity unknown before. Formerly, each master followed his own sweet will, selected his own authors, assigned to each branch of a classical training as much or as little time as he chose, with the inevitable result that the pupil, in passing from one master to another, found that his work, instead of being a well-graduated course, was a discontinuous collection of broken pieces.

But the appointment of a head-master responsible for all the arrangements of the school, is to be recommended on the ground of economy as well as efficiency. No school requires six or eight quasi-headmasters with corresponding salaries. Able young men, to whom salaries of little more than half the amount sometimes paid to masters of co-ordinate rank would be satisfactory remuneration, can be found as assistants. These, from the very nature of their appointment, having their spurs to win, and depending for promotion on their professional skill, and the approval of the head-master, would be much more efficient members of a school staff than the same number of independent masters. If a school is to produce its best fruits, the headmaster, like the Education Minister, must be the central source of authority.

The question of University Education is naturally suggested by the discussion of Secondary Schools. It is difficult to predict what may be the result of the Executive Commission which may be now regarded as certain to be appointed. With

questions that of an entrance examination admitting a lad to the position of a public student-would be solved, so far as pupils at secondary schools were concerned. An examination of the requisite pitch before the boy leaves school would determine his admission or rejection as a public student at the University. For other entrants an examination by independent examiners would be necessary, the question to be settled by such examination being, not whether they should be admitted or rejected, but whether they should be admitted as public or private students. To refuse admission to any one, however badly prepared, seems opposed to the very idea of a University. At the same time, to admit as a public student one who cannot profit by the instruction, to teach down to his level, to waste the time of the competent student by examining him orally in class work, and to allow his attendance to have any quotable academic value, is obviously an abuse. The professor ought to admit him, and at the same time inform him that it is only as a private student, that the teaching will not be lowered to suit his want of preparation, that he will not receive a certificate of attendance, that his academical position will be in no way forwarded, that, in short, he will get nothing but such benefit as he may derive from lectures, which will be largely unintelligible to him. With this explanation, probably few such would attend, the institution would be relieved of the dead weight of students lagging behind the rest, and the University could not be charged with shutting its doors against any searchers after knowledge.

Opinions are divided as to whether the improvement of Secondary Education should commence with the schools or with the University. Wherever commenced, the improvement must be a gradual one. With such a system as we have advocated, there seems no reason why they should not commence contemporaneously. In any case, the method we have proposed for dealing with the unprepared student, seems the only one consistent with fairness to the competent student, the interest of education, and the dignity of the University. Whatever may be done by the schools, the Universities will, by acting in this way, contribute very materially to the much wished for improvement.

without making reference to the want of higher class schools for girls, and well equipped Technical Schools. For the former the same machinery and the same principle of selection are required as for Secondary Schools for boys. We have not spoken of them separately, because they are an essential part of the general question of higher education. We are glad to observe that the majority of the schemes make provision for their establishment.

The feeling that Technical Education requires more attention than has been hitherto given to it, is growing, and is sure to grow. It is universally admitted that this attention is imperative, if we are to keep ahead, or even abreast, of our continental neighbours. It is even contended by many who ought to know, that we have already fallen behind in the race. In all large towns and in suitable centres in country districts such schools should be established, linked on by bursaries to the primary schools. Consideration of space forbids us to dwell on the subjects proper to be taught in technical and higher class girls' schools. Details of this kind may be safely left in the hands of the Education Minister and his council of experts. We have only aimed at showing that the anomalous condition of our middle class education demands a remedy, that the remedy is to be found only in money and organisation, that for money, boys and girls of promise whose parents have narrow means, must depend upon a judicious use of endowments, that for organisation we must, like all other civilised nations, look to the State and the superintendence of an Education Minister, and that the middle class make only a reasonable demand when they ask something in return for what they pay in education rates. We have endeavoured to show that while on grounds of the lower policy of preventing crime, and generally ameliorating the condition of the lower classes, the elements of education are imperative on all, on grounds of a higher policy of turning to account the best brain of the country for the country's good, higher education should be accessible to all who are fitted to profit by it. If we have succeeded in our attempt, and if we obtain by legislative enactment what we have asked for, we shall have an educational edifice with its base in the alphabet and its apex in the University, or in Mr. Forster's words- a system of national

we can expect, by which every Scotchman will be able to do what so many Scotchmen have been able to do in former times, go into whatever sphere of life he thinks he can try with advantage to himself.' The immense impulse given to Primary Education, since it came under the more immediate management of the State, gives good ground for hope that the middle class will soon perceive that they have similar advantages to gain. It is but a short step farther for them to feel assured that they have only to ask it earnestly to obtain it. It will probably be matter of surprise to the next generation, that Scotland, for whose sons in the struggle for success her education has done so much, should have so long delayed availing herself of appliances, that would have enabled her to do with ease and efficiency, what has been hitherto done with difficulty and imperfection.

ART. II.-LORD MACAULAY.

Macaulay. By JOHN COTTER MORISON. London. 1882. Lord Macaulay, Essayist and Historian. By the Hon. ALBERT S. G. CANNING. London. 1882.

IT

[T would be interesting to know the number of books, reviews, essays, and articles which have appeared upon the subject of Lord Macaulay's merits and demerits since that great writer first began to send his contributions to the Edinburgh Review. It would seem as if the pleasure of writing about him were almost as great as that of reading him; and when the task is one of love, and is undertaken simply from sincere admiration and a desire to extend the knowledge of an author whom the writer fondly worships, no great fault need be found with the practice, which may do good, and cannot do much harm; but, when the writer thinks proper to mix up a great amount of unjust and very foolish criticism with a minimum of faint praise, the case is different, and the reader is entitled to ask that the reputation of a brilliant man of letters,

and that the writer shall show both that he is worthy of the great task he has undertaken, and that he has solid grounds for the hostile comments he makes.

These remarks apply especially to the second of the two works which stand at the head of this article. Mr. Cotter Morison is undoubtedly an able critic, and has probably persuaded himself that he has good grounds for his adverse comments, but what induced Mr. Canning to rush into print on the subject of Macaulay passes comprehension. The book is a sort of faint outline of the chief points of the Essays and History, and, we should think, must rather resemble the attempt of Miss Braddon to condense Sir Walter Scott, though we confess we have never perused that recent achievement in literary mutilation. If Mr. Canning had contented himself with giving a short sketch of the plan of the History and Essays, it would at least have been a harmless amusement, and would not necessarily have repelled any one from reading them; but the temptation to criticise is too much for him, and the value of his remarks in this line may be judged from one instance. It occurs to him as a sudden inspiration that Macaulay notices very shortly the fact of Cromwell's cruelties in Ireland, and narrates at length the persecutions of the Covenanters by Claverhouse in Scotland. This, he considers, shows partiality to Cromwell and injustice to James under whose authority Dundee was acting; and he is so proud of the discovery, that the remark is repeated almost word for word in three distinct places.* As so much prominence is given to the observation, we almost think the revelation of this awful piece of partiality must have been the object of the book. If so, we can only regret that Mr. Canning before commencing his work did not read the title-page of Macaulay's History, when he would have seen it described as 'From the Accession of James II.,' and it would perhaps have then dawned upon him that the chapter in which Cromwell's cruelties in Ireland are mentioned is merely an introductory and rapid sketch meant to gradually launch the reader into the full tide of the narrative at the ac