fis of public Affairs, and a Reform in the Representation of the People. Spoken at the Whig Club of England, Dec. 4, 1792. 8vo. 2d. Ridgway. This fpeech may be regarded as an occafional rehearsal of Mr. Fox's political creed ;-the articles of which are in full conformity with the well-known tenor of his general fentiments and conduct, both in and out of parliament. The editor has added a brief account of what converfation paffed in the club, after the conclufion of Mr. Fox's manly and eloquent oration. *Mr. Fox's fubfequent fpeech in the Houfe of Commons, on the Addrefs, is likewife published, but too late to appear in this Month's Review. N.-G. Art. 47. Anticipation of the Freedom of Brabant, with the Expulfion of the Auftrian Troops from that Country; with fome Remarks on the future Extenfion of the French Frontier to the Rhine:' inveftigated according to the Principles laid down in the Works of General Lloyd. Together with fome Military Obfervations on the late intended March of the Duke of Brunfwick to Paris. By Major George Hanger. 8vo. pp. 67. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1792. General Lloyd has written perhaps more pertinently on the fubject of invafions, and on the proper measures for defeating them, than any other military writer in our prefent recollection. Major Hanger, ftruck with the force of his reafoning, has given extracts from his works referring to the state of Auftrian Flanders, which ferve him as a text to fhew how effectually the French and Flemings united may prevent any measures that the Auftrians may take in order to regain the poffeffion of Brabant: as alfo to explain the advantage of this alliance for the fecurity of the French frontier on that fide. On the fame authority, he decides on the imprudence of the Duke of Brunfwick's attempted expedition to Paris; of the fuccefs of which no perfon who had confulted General Lloyd could entertain any fanguine expectations. We fee nothing in this production, but a few remarks fufficiently obvious to any perfon having General Lloyd's principles of attack and defence before him. We are, however, indebted to Major Hanger for one notable conceffion, the fincerity of which, as it is offered gratuitoufly, is beyond a doubt: we rely therefore on gratifying him no less than our readers, by producing it in his own words: Great nations always act according to their interefts, and are not the leaft fcrupulous of breaking treaties or engagements when they fee it is contrary to their intereft to keep them. Great nations have many individuals amongst them, who, as individuals, are men of the greatest honour and probity. But great nations (peaking politically of them), are great rogues in their tranfactions with their natural enemy; fo are great minifters and great generals, although, in their private characters, "they are all honourable men;" but, when acting for the ftate, he that deceives the molt, and, by that deceit, can gain the greatest advantage, has ever been accounted the most able itatesman and the greatest general." We dare not difpute the authority of a military man, refpecting his own profeffion, nor yet his knowlege of those statesmen with whom he may be connected. Art. 48. Reply to the EXAMINATION of the MEMORIAL on the prefent State of the Affairs of Poland; 1791. By the Author of the Memorial. Tranflated from the French. 8vo. pp. 87. Is. 6d. Robinfons. 1792. N. For our notice of the Memorial, vindicated in this publication, the reader may turn to the 8th volume of our New Series, p. 354The author of that work here replies to the objections which were raifed against it by the Examiner. The chief point in difpute, is, the then propofed ceffion of Dantzig to the Pruffians; of which meafure the Memorialift ftood forth as the defender; while his opponent appears to have been in the intereft of the court of Peterfburgh; and to him, no doubt, the defigns of that court, (fince carried into full effect, with regard to poor Poland,) were then well known. The controverfy is now at an end,-gone! with the liberty of that unfortunate people,-perhaps for ever gone! to the eternal difgrace [in the eyes of the philofophic and the humane,] of the neighbouring nations, who were unconcerned fpectators of the most monftrous outrage against the common rights of our fpecies, that tyranny could project, or violence execute!-but GENEROSITY never makes any part of state-policy! There is one paffage in this very fenfible tract, which we could not help applying, as we perufed it, to a common, vulgar remark on the prefent deranged government of France There is now," fay the troughtless objectors, "no regular government, no law, no police in that country." To this exaggerated affertion, the following remarks, from p. 5. of this publication, may ferve as a reply, though originally offerea with refpect to the state of Poland, during her late unavailing efforts to establish a free and happy conftitution of government: The political exiftence,' obferves our author, of every country, muft go before its civil. The firft and most important care of man is to live, to breathe, and to defend him felf: he afterward thinks of his comforts and conveniences. What reafonable Being, having a houfe to arrange and furnish, would not, in the very firft inftance, look to the fecurity of what he was about to do, and provide himfelf with ftrong doors, and good locks '— This is the language of common fenfe; which, though no fcience, is, as Pope has it, fairly worth the feven. Art. 49. A Reply to Mr. Burke's Invective against Mr. Cooper and The fubject expreffed in the title page occupies but a very small part of this pamphlet. Mr. Cooper employs no more than fourteen pages in the vindication of himfelf and Mr. Watt, and then launches forth into the popular politics of the times; and, through the reft of his performance, difcufles the fobjects of civil government, conftitutions, reforms, privileged orders, &c. Thefe ¢ Thefe matters are treated with much ability; though fome readers will poffibly be of opinion that the writer had no particular call to travel fo far out of the record, (as the law phrafe is,) as to touch at all on fuch topics, in a publication which profeffes to have a dif ferent object in view; efpecially as the author has not faid any thing very new, and as he alfo tells us, that, to fay what he has faid, he has intrenched upon moments that fhould be otherwife devoted.' Mr. Cooper tells us, that he is feriously and decidedly of opinion, that in the prefent circumftances of this country, no man can be juftified in going further than a complete and effectual reform in the reprefentation of the people, and the duration of parliament:'-but though he thinks it would be practically wrong to attempt an abolition of privileged orders in this country, yet he inquires at length into the theory of thefe orders; concludes, from his reafoning, that fuch distinctions are very pernicious in fociety; and therefore fays, that he would give his vote for rejecting them altogether in the formation of a new conftitution, or form of government. He attempts to fhew, that the inftitution of privileged orders has been the cause of almost all the wars that have defolated the world; and that these orders have introduced the grievance of ftanding armies, have given birth to other measures deftructive of liberty, and have created an intolerable expence in every fociety into which they have been admitted. In an Appendix, Mr. Cooper has republished his propofitions refpecting the foundation of civil government, which were before given to the world in the Manchester Tranfactions, and accordingly noticed in our Review, New Series, vol. vi. p. 183. We here obferve, that Mr. Cooper has changed his opinion refpecting the right of fuffrage. He would now no longer confine it within the limits of property, but would have it extended to all men without exception. We could have wifhed, for Mr, Cooper's own fake, that he had treated Mr. Burke, in fome paffages of his work, with lefs afperity: though it must be confeffed that Mr. Burke's own example, and his fhameful and intolerably grofs abufe of others, is an allowable excuse for something more than the retort courteous," in his adverfaries; though not a complete vindication of any degree of rudeness. 66 Pear. In Answer Art. 50. A Rod in Brine, or a Tickler for Tom Paine. to his firft Pamphlet, entitled, The Rights of Man. ford Graduate. 8vo. pp. 96. 28. Stockdale. The Oxford Graduate has given us the choice of two titles to his pamphlet: but we are not fatisfied with either. It is neither rod nor tickler. It has not difpofed us either to laugh or to cry,-unlefs it were now and thea to laugh at the author for his nonfenfe, or to lament our own waste of time spent in the perufal of it. Art. 51. Letter addreffed to the Addreffers, on the late Proclamation. By Thomas Paine, Secretary for toreign Affairs to Congrefs in the American War, and Author of the Works intitled Com 114 Do mon mon Senfe," "Rights of Man, two Parts," &c. 8vo. pp. 78. 1s. 6d. Symonds. 1792. The proclamation iffued on the 21st of May laft, and the addreffes produced in confequence of it, which Mr. Paine confiders as having been furreptitiously procured, he thinks had a tendency to prejudice the jury who were to decide on the profecution commenced against him for the fecond part of his Rights of Man +. One object, therefore, of this letter is, to counteract that effect : but befide this, he treats, in his ufual bold manner, feveral topics of political improvement; and, among the reft, a parliamentary reform, which he feems to think would, in itfelf, fall fhort of what this country requires: but which, he fays, inadequate as it would be, is not to be expected from the fociety who ftyle themfelves, "The Friends of the People." As a cure for all our grievances at once, Mr. Paine recommends a National Convention. It needs no fpirit of prophecy to fee that, in the prefent temper of our countrymen, fuch recommendation is not likely to be adopted. There are, however, fome things in the pamphlet which merit confideration. Pear. Art. 52. Thoughts and Inquiry on the Principles and Tenure of the revealed and fupreme Law, fhewing the utter Inconfiftency and Injuftice of our Penal Statutes, and the illicit Traffic and Practice of modern Slavery; and that a Reformation is needful, wherein both fhould be abolished; with fome Grounds of a Plan for abolishing the fame, &c. By P. W. Hall, piadinpos. 8vo. pp. 304. 5s. Boards. Ridgway. 1792. Important fubjects are treated in this volume, but in a manner fo loofe and declamatory as to leave only a faint impreffion on the reader's understanding. The author infifts largely on the iniquity, and on the mischievous confequences, of the African flave trade, and pleads for its immediate abolition, and for the univerfal emancipation of flaves in the British colonies, on the equitable principle of doing as we would that others fhould do unto us. In regard to the British government, he cenfures, and certainly not without reafon, the feverity of our penal laws; he fpeaks of the practice of punishing men with death for offences refpecting property, as an act of idolatry as well as barbarity. The proper and only effectual remedy for these and other political evils, in our author's opinion, is to found civil inftitutions on divine revelation, and to add the authority of the law of Mofes to every human requifition:-a plan of government which, among other objections, would certainly be in The whole number of addreffes, fays Mr. P. were 320, which, on an average of 100 addreffers to each addrefs, makes 32,000 addreffers. To procure thefe fignatures, fays he, it took three months: whereas more than 32,000 of the cheap editions of the first and fecond parts of the Rights of Man were fold in the course of one month; and this after the proclamation was iffued. This profecution, as our readers know, is now determined against Mr. Paine. confiftent confiftent with the abolition of capital punishments. On the cafe of Lord George Gordon he speaks with great freedom, and maintains that he ought rather to have been rewarded than imprisoned for writing the philanthropic petition for preferving the lives of men. With respect to religion, Mr. Hall's account of his own principles is fomewhat fingular. As a Chriftian, (he fays,) I would acknowlege myself to be an Unitarian in the ftricteft fenfe, according to the well-defined doctrine of the Athanafian creed.' He expreffes apprehenfions with refpect to the Roman Catholics, which every one, who is well informed concerning the prefent state of religious and political opinions, muft fee to be wholly without foundation. On the whole, though this author may have some right to the praife of good intention, we cannot think him entitled to that of fuccefsful execution. E. Art. 53. Modern Madmen; or, the Conftitutionalists diffected. By Solomon Searchem, Efq. 8vo. Is. 6d. Symonds, &c. 1792. The following addrefs is prefixed to this re-publication : To the PUBLIC. This pamphlet was originally published with the Title of "Crowns and Sceptres ufelefs Baubles," &c.; but the tendency of it having been mistaken, from the equivocal nature of its Title, the foregoing has been adopted as more declaratory of the tenets it contains. Our account of this piece, under its firft (very unfuitable) title, appeared in the Review for June last, p. 231.-Perhaps the author found many readers too ready to agree to the propofition implied in his first title,-which was by no means what he intended. It was carrying the joke too far. Art. 54. A Letter to the K***, relative to an immediate Declara tion of War against France. 4to. pp. 12. 6d. Bew. 1792. This public, not (we prefume) privy counsellor, being extremely apprehenfive of the bad confequences to this country, should the French Revolution finally fucceed, preffes his Majefty to an immediate declaration of war against France; which measure, he doubts not, would be fo highly grateful to every Briton, that their fwords would inftantly leap from their fcabbards, in vindication of fuch a measure. It may be fo; for who will answer for the extravaganza of the times?-but, ftill, we think there are a VERY GREAT number of our countrymen who will not be fo eager as this advifer of Royalty feems to be, to deluge the earth with human blood, by a hafty interference in the affairs of another nation. MISCELLANEOUS. Art. 55. Some Transactions between the Indians and Friends in Penfylvania, in 1791 and 1792. 8vo. zd. Phillips. This tract affords a ftriking inftance of the happy effects of peaceable demeanour, and integrity of conduct, as exemplified in the amicable intercourfe between the Pennfylvanian Quakers, and the neighbouring Indians, from the first fettlement of the former, in the wilds of America, under William Penn, down to the prefent time. We here fee a chief of the Seneca Indians reforting to Phi ladelphia, |