consideration on the 25th. When they were agreed to, with an amendment allowing members to make excuses previous to the call. Debate on Mr. M. A. Taylor's Motion respecting Barracks.] Feb. 22. Mr. M. A. Taylor rose and said, he was aware that scarce any motions could gentlemen on his side of the House make, to which the epithets of factious and seditious might not, and had not been indiscriminately applied; he would not, however, now embark in a discussion of this kind. In what he was now going to say, he could not be called the advocate of France, he should be in truth the advocate of Englishmen. The question was precisely this, whether in the very heart and body of the country, a large standing army was to be kept up, and in a way totally unusual, as well as highly alarming? He should not think it necessary to go into any argument, as to standing armies in general. It must, however, be admitted, that in no free country could a large standing army be kept up, without danger to liberty. History afforded innumerable instances of states being modelled by armies; in this country, the same army which raised Cromwell to the Protectorate, restored Charles the 2nd. Those distinguished characters who led the glorious revolution, thought it necessary to establish, by the declaration of rights, that no standing army should be kept up without consent of parliament; and, were the case otherwise, the doors of this House might as well be shut up; it was not, however, without much difficulty, that they got William 3d. to disband his forces. With regard to the peace establishment in this country, it had continued nearly the same during the present reign; but it had increased much since the time of queen Anne: it now amounted to 18,000 | men, which appeared to him much too large, and it would be still much more alarming, if the proposition he was about to make should not be agreed to. He had great fears too, that this was not all the peace establishment which was intended to be kept up; for he observed, in a circular letter from the secretary at war to the officers who had been appointed to raise independent companies, that these officers were ordered to go on and compleat their companies, which seemed to give much reason for apprehending an inereased peace establishment. Four arguments he understood to be brought forward in favour of the army. The first was, that great trust ought to be put in the officers. In answer to this he would say, that however much he respected the character of British officers, and no man did more, yet he could not help entertaining a jealousy that their being so very much dependant on the crown might render them too much attached to it. He was himself constitutionally attached to the crown as much as any man. But as officers were not only dependant on the crown with respect to promotion, but were liable to be dismissed from the service by its bare fiat,without being allowed a trial by court-martial, which right of the crown had been lately exercised on account of bare speculative opinions alone, it was but a fair conclusion to draw, from the nature of man, that they may probably be too much attached to the crown: and even, whatever there might be in this, he would go much farther, and would say plainly, that he would trust no man. It was said, in the second place, that the mutiny bill was passed every year, and he was glad of it. During the continuance of war, it would surely be far from his wish, that any alterations should be made in that act; but he hoped, on the return of peace, it would be accurately revised and amended, for it appeared to him to have been very hastily and incorrectly penned; which opinion judge Blackstone had strongly expressed. In the third place it was said, that the army was only voted for a year: but how did these votes pass now? Formerly the secretary at war, on bringing forward the vote of the army, thought it always necessary to make a speech of some length, stating the particular grounds which rendered the vote necessary; but, now, it generally passed altogether as a matter of course. The fourth argument, with respect to the army, related to the question now before the House. In truth, the connexion between the soldier and the citizen had been the reason why a standing army had been permitted to exist in this kingdom. Mr. Taylor here alluded to the opinions of Mr. Harley and Mr. Pulteney, who expressed, in the strongest possible language, their ideas of the danger that must arise to the constitution and to liberty, from quartering soldiers in barracks,and dissolving or lessening their connexion with the body of the people. But those two great men might perhaps : be considered to have been patriots like has evinced, that no walls are high enough himself, and of course be little regarded. to keep out opinions. Officers, however, He would beg leave, therefore, to appeal may perhaps say, that, in barracks betto Mr. Pelham, against whom the same ter discipline can be preserved: much raobjection could not possibly lie, if the ther would he wish to see the army placed title of patriot was to be appropriated to on constitutional ground; were it even atthose alone, in opposition to the govern- tended with a little relaxation, from the ment of the day and Mr. Pelham's opi- most rigid discipline: but, in point of nion, which he read to the House, was fact, are not the army out of barracks, not less decisive on this subject. These well disciplined? But these arguments, were surely good authorities. He would however strong, were neither the only mention another opinion given by lord ones on his side of the question, nor were Gage in 1749, which went a great deal they those which, in this case, pressed farther than he meant to carry the argu- most forcibly upon his mind. For the ment. Speaking against the augmenta- whole system of ministers showed an evition of the troops, lord Gage said that dent preconcerted design to curb and one thing (meaning the quartering sol- overawe the people by the bayonet and diers in barracks, and cutting off their the sword, instead of applying, if necessaconnexion with the people) he considered ry, the wholesome correction of the laws as of all others the most fatal, and that it of England; and this, in his conscience, would give the finishing stroke to liberty. he believed to be their intention. Bar"If this," said lord Gage, "should ever racks are said to have done no hurt hibe attempted, it would become the duty therto; but they have been only erected of the people to draw their swords, as the in seaports, and he believed in some last effort for liberty, and never to sheath places about London and Westminster. them, till they had brought the authors and So far indeed as his information went, it contrivers of the measure to condign pu- led him to believe, that the discipline of nishment."* He could not pass over soldiers in barracks, was worse than when another writer, famous for his sound judg- out of barracks. At Chatham, where ment, as well as for his candour and hu- he occasionally went, he understood that manity, in treating of military subjects, no farther back than about three weeks he meant judge Blackstone, who says that since, the soldiers there had behaved so "the soldiers should live intermixed with riotously and improperly that the comthe people; no separate camp, no bar-manding officer, on a representation from racks, no inland fortresses should be al- the inhabitants, had found it necessary to lowed." forbid them the use of side arms. Mr. Taylor confessed he was much alarmed; but he was told that there is no danger, because the right hon. gentleman opposite to him was a constitutional minister, and he had certainly made many elaborate declarations on the beauties of the constitution. He could not, however, help considering the maxim to be equally just in politics as in religion, that "by their deeds you shall know them." If he saw the excise laws extended, could he help thinking it a little degradation from the cause of general liberty? Since the vote of that House some years ago, "That the influence of the crown had increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished," that influence had alarmingly increased: we were now going altogether from liberty: we had engaged in a war for the support of despotism: men had been dismissed from the service of the crown, on account of abstract speculative opinions: associations had been formed on the most dangerous and unlawful principles, and + In the argument which he was now maintaining, he had on his side the ancient and rooted prejudices of the people as well as the reason of the thing itself, and all the weight of the high authorities he had mentioned. What did he meet opposed to these? Nothing, but a set of new-fangled opinions. First, it is alleged that it is a great hardship on inn-keepers to quarter soldiers on them. He believed it might, and that they thought it so; but for what reason? Because the price paid for hay and straw has not been raised for many years. If part of the large sums expended on building barracks, were applied towards a reasonable increase of the price paid for hay and straw, the innkeepers would be glad to have them. 2dly, Barracks are said to be necessary, to keep the minds of the soldiers, at the present moment, from being prejudiced and poisoned: but the experience of ages * See Vol. 11, p. 934. The Secretary at War said, that at the time that jealousy had been shown in this country of a standing force, there had prevailed a much greater alarm than at present of the consequences with which such a force might be attended. If there was now any cause for jealousy, the House had to consider whether it was sanctioned by any want of care or wisdom on their part. There were one or two expressions which had fallen from the hon. gentleman, to which he must advert, and which respected a body of men, whom he must always honour, and to whose character he considered himself as bound upon every occasion to do justice. These were the officers of the army, whom the hon. gentleman had described as more immediately dependant upon the crown, to which they looked for their promotion. But why were they to be considered exclusively in this light? Did not officers of the navy look to the crown for promotion? Did not gentlemen of the law likewise look for promotion to the same quarter? Why, then, were officers of the army to be represented as more immediately dependant upon the crown, a reproach which he must consider as equally illiberal and unfounded. The hon. gentleman had said, that he spoke to the prejudices and jealousies of the British nation: this certainly was the case; he spoke to the prejudices and jea lousies of former times, but not to prejudices and jealousies which now existed. The measure which had been adopted of erecting barracks was necessary to the se for the worst purposes. We were going from the standard of the constitution to the standard of the crown. If we went to church to perform the sacred duties of religion, we heard a canting priest talking of passive obedience and divine right. Doctrines thus preached by a supple clergy, might, be enforced by a complaisant army, and thus the liberties of England might be destroyed through the want of that salutary jealousy which made the people, in former times, adverse to a standing army, and still more so to a system of barrack building, which would estrange the soldiers from the subjects, and make the former look upon the latter as enemies. He was not inclined to enter into any argument with respect to the king's right in virtue of his prerogative, of erecting barracks; but, before proceeding to erect them, it was undoubtedly the duty of ministers to have informed the House of their intention to do so, and of the reasons which induced them to think it a measure either prudent or necessary. It had been the uniform desire of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) to lower the spirit of inquiry in that House; all he thought proper to ask of them was, to pay for what was already done; but they must not inquire the reason for which it was done. In the present instance, the ground intended for the purpose was purchased, and the barracks erected in summer, and the right hon. gentleman endeavoured to smuggle them through the House. This appeared to him to be a great constitutional question: and he thought it highly dangerous, that barracks should be erect-curity of the kingdom. He regretted, that ed entirely at the pleasure of the crown. of late years in several instances the civil He concluded with moving, "That the power had not been able to exercise its uniform and persevering opposition given authority without calling in the aid of the by our ancestors to every attempt to erect military. This was particularly the case barracks in this country, was founded at the present time. It was necessary, upon a just understanding of the true therefore, to have the soldiers so disposed principles of our free and excellent con- of, that they could speedily be called toge stitution; and that this opposition has ther, and be ready to act with most effect. been justified and supported by high poli- After all, what had by the hon. gentleman tical and legal authority, whose recorded sometimes been called barracks and someopinion is, That in time of peace the times fortresses, were in a great many soldier should live intermixed with the places only stables for putting up the 'people, that no separate camp, no bar-horses. Those places in which troops racks, no inland fortresses, should be 'allowed; and that a circulation should be thus kept up between the army and the people, and the citizen and the soldier be intimately connected toge'ther.'" * Blackstone's Commentaries, 414. had been stationed, so far from feeling the alarm and jealousy which had been described by the hon. gentleman, were, on the contrary, actuated by very different sentiments, and had expressed themselves highly satisfied with this salutary precaution, and the provision which was thereby made for their tranquillity and security. Mr. Minchin saw no danger in the mea- I thought fit to advise his majesty to do so. sure which had been so much objected to It was their system to act in a manner inby the hon. mover. He thought it, on dependent of that House, and to render the contrary, attended with many advan- its function as nominal as possible. This tages. And first it relieved a certain de- step was part of that system. Another scription of men from a grievous tax, part of the same system was, that of the which, during last war, had been so very measure now under consideration, the oppressive, that several publicans had building of barracks; this might be called given up their licences. It was likewise a sort of punishment, and he feared the a measure very favourable to the exact soldiers would see and feel in that manner. observance of discipline; for though sol- The building of the barracks ought to diers were at stated hours obliged to re- have been submitted, and the whole plan tire to their quarters, yet when they were of it laid before the House, because as quartered in a public house, this regula- the money was to come out of the tion could not be enforced; for when the pockets of their constituents, the mem officers went to bed, the soldiers might bers of that House were the only persons take the opportunity to leave their quar- fit to judge of the propriety or improters, and might be engaged in riots or priety of the measure; and they were the mischiefs, which there were no means of only persons who had, by the constitution discovering or preventing. But this could a right to decide upon the subject. But not occur in barracks, which were equally ministers had no respect for the consticonducive to the health and morals of the tution in this respect; they undertook troops lodged in them. In public houses to do any thing they pleased, and afterthe soldiers were continually exposed towards came to parliament to call upon the temptation of expending that pay which might procure them solid nourishment, for liquors, equally pernicious to their constitution and morals. With respect to the utility of barracks, he referred to the example of Ireland, where they had been always in use, and where so much were their beneficial effects experienced, that those towns where they were not erected, even made application for them. Major Maitland said, that he waited patiently for some time to hear the two hon. gentlemen who had defended the system of barracks, because he had a curiosity to hear on what ground it was that a plan so new could be supported. But after all that he had heard, he was more at a loss to form an opinion than he was before he had heard them. If the measure itself was offensive, the mode by which that measure was to be carried on was not less so. It was a system which was dangerous in itself, for it compelled all its objects to look to the king only, instead of looking to all the three branches of the legislature. How did they apply this observation? Was not his majesty to have the direction of all his army? Most certainly he was: but this was not the whole of the case; for it was well known to the House, that last session his majesty had allowed an additional sum of money for the payment of the army, without consulting that House. This, under the qualification he had given already, he said, was irregular, however ministers had them to pay the expense of it.-Thus far he had spoken of the mode, and objected to it; he had still more objection to the measure itself. As to the point taken notice of in the opening of this subject by his hon. friend, that the officers of the army being more connected with the crown, were therefore more jealously to be regarded. On this point he differed from his hon. friend; for he was sure, that if the crown did but act properly with them, there never would be any occasion to say any thing against the public principles of the army. If the contrary should be the case, and the hour should come when military merit should be totally disregarded, and the army should feel that impression, and know by experience that government attended to private interest in the disposition of all its promotions in the army (as of late there was too much reason to complain), dreadful indeed would be the situation of the country. If it should be once felt as a general principle, that those who had bled in the field, and endured all the hardships of a military life for years were to be neglected, and that others were to be advanced who had no military merit, for no reason assigned, but forwell understood reasons, which it was not convenient to avow, then he would say that this country might be in danger. With regard to the mutiny bill, on which the whole of the military authority of this country depended, he must allow that it imposed some degree and why should the hon. gentleman enter into the discussion of the subject before the House were at all acquainted with the extent of these barracks? The hon. mover had said, in order to give co of barracks, as it was now to be carried on, was a new system, and that the doctrine of its necessity in this country was new; whereas the plan of building barracks had been known, and barracks had been erected many years ago. This was not the first time when the discussion of barrack building had taken place; and it had on these occasions been invariably determined, that his majesty had the unquestionable right of taking it upon himself; and he believed there was not an instance in which it had been necessary to come to that House for its previous approbation. His lordship then said, that in his opinion, it was no objection, in such a country as this, that a thing of this sort was new; for there was no country, in his opinion, which could be stationary in its politics. But he did not admit, that, in of slavery on the soldiers, but not an iota more than was absolutely requisite for the purposes of military discipline.-As to the argument, that the situation of this country was such, as to justify the civil officers to call in the assistance of the mi-lour to his observation, that the building litary, nay, that such assistance had been often wanted, this was of a piece with the other part of the conduct of ministers; for they had already endeavoured to spread sham alarms throughout every part of the kingdom, of sedition, insurrections, and rebellions; and this they did, that they might with the greater ease plunge this country into a war; but he called upon the officers of the crown to state any of these seditions, or disposition to rebellion, in this country, or the necessity there was for calling forth the alarm of the people at large upon the subject.-With respect to our having our military in barracks, he granted, that if ministers could state any necessity, the measure ought to be adopted, because there were, in certain cases, some advantages to be derived from that mode of keeping the military in readiness; but we must likewise remem-point of fact, this was a deviation in pober the disadvantages to which that mode subjected us, and therefore, before parliament should sanction the measure, great attention should be paid to it. As to the point of mere discipline, he did not think that barracks were necessary; he was, indeed, of a contrary opinion; and the idea of taking the army away from the mass of the people, for the sake of improving their health and morals, he could not accede to. Indeed, no man could pay too high a compliment to the character of the British army; he believed that in truth they were superior to any other upon earth; and why? Because they stood upon a different footing from all other soldiers in the world; because they were deeply interested in the country for which they were enlisted; because not one of them was a soldier merely, but united the two characters of citizen and soldier. But if they were to be put into barracks, that would tend to take away from them the most valuable part of their character, that of citizen. He concluded with giving his hearty assent to the motion. Lord Beauchamp observed, that it appeared rather extraordinary to him that the present occasion should be taken to object to barracks, at a time when there was nothing before the House to lead to that inquiry. They had not any estimate upon the table relative to the expense, [VOL. XXX.] licy from the ancient system of this country; besides, if other countries changed their system of policy, it was necessary that Great Britain should do the same. As to the situation of this country in the time of king William, and the difficulty that prince had to keep up his army, owing to the jealousy the people of this country had against standing armies, the House would recollect, that then all the monarchs of Europe were desirous to emulate Louis 14th in keeping up large standing armies, and, that king William was a foreign prince, and therefore it was natural that there should have been a degree of jealousy, under such circumstances, at that time. A great part of the same policy and jealousy prevailed in the time of the two first princes of the present family, and yet without a considerable standing army the people of this country must have fallen. If barracks were not to be erected, what would be the situation of the large manufacturing towns? If dragoons were not collected easily, did the House imagine that the mischief that might be intended to be done by rioters could be avoided. If the military were quartered in different public houses at a distance from each other, and if measures to prevent riots were not taken in a very early stage of them, they might become too strong to be prevented at all? [21] |
