many others might be added. In proportion to the strength of this attachment was his affliction at the sufferings of his friend.

After receiving the intelligence of his capture, Washington wrote letters to the Marchioness de Lafayette, expressive of his sympathy, and affording all the consolation in his power. His regret was the greater, because, being at the head of the nation, the family of Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in Europe, expected much from his aid; while in reality he could do nothing more, except by his personal influence, than any other individual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first in the Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. There was no diplomatic intercourse between those countries and the United States. Hence the American government, without authority to make a demand or power to enforce it, either directly or through the agency of other governments, could take no decisive steps for his release.

Instructions were sent, and often repeated, to the American ministers at foreign courts, directing them to use all their efforts in his favor. These instructions were faithfully obeyed. Nothing more could be done. The mediation of the British cabinet was sought, but not obtained. That he might leave no means untried, Washington at last wrote a letter to the Emperor of Germany, stating his friendship for Lafayette, suggesting in delicate terms that his sufferings had perhaps been as great as the nature of his case demanded, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to the United States under such restrictions as his Majesty, the Emperor, might think it expedient to prescribe. What influence this letter may have had on the mind of the Emperor, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not known. When restored to liberty, he was delivered over, by

order of the Austrian government, to the American consul at Hamburg.

When the wife and daughters of Lafayette left France, to join him in the prison of Olmutz, his son, George Washington Lafayette, came to the United States. He was affectionately received into the family of President Washington, where he resided nearly two years, till he returned to Europe on hearing of the liberation of his father.

Not long after the treaty was conditionally ratified by the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the French minister, M. Adet, the successor of M. Fauchet. He objected to some parts of it, as at variance with the treaty subsisting between France and the United States. His objections were answered by the Secretary of State, and such explanations were given as showed, that the treaty could in no degree injure the interests of France, and that the government of the United States was resolved faithfully to fulfil their compact with that nation, according to the strict principles of neutrality, which it was bound to observe in regard to the belligerent powers of Europe. But the rulers of the French republic had viewed with jealousy Mr. Jay's negotiation, as diminishing their hope of a war between Great Britain and the United States; and it is not surprising, that they should be quick to find out points in the treaty, which, by their construction, might be turned to the disadvantage of France. Foreseeing this result, and anxious to remove every ground of dissatisfaction, Washington caused very full instructions to be sent to Mr. Monroe, that he might be able to explain the articles of the treaty, as understood by the American government, and also their designs and conduct in making it.

From the tenor of Mr. Monroe's letters, and from the proceedings of the French Directory, the President

was led to believe, that the minister had been backward in using his instructions, and in furnishing the required explanations. It was known, likewise, that he was hostile to the treaty; and of course, with the best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly enter into the views of the government with the zeal, and represent them with the force of conviction, which the importance of the occasion demanded. The only remedy was to send out another minister. It was resolved, therefore, to recall Mr. Monroe, and make a new appointment. This resolution was unanimously approved by the cabinet. Mr. Monroe was accordingly recalled, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was sent to supply his place.

Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had been permitted to return home, having discharged the duties of his office in England, and on a mission for negotiating a treaty at Madrid, to the entire satisfaction of the executive and of his country. Rufus King, who had been a senator from the beginning of the new government, was appointed as his successor at the court of Great Britain.

When the second period of four years, for which Washington had been elected to the Presidency, was approaching its termination, many of his friends, concerned at the present state of the country, and fearing the consequences of the heats and divisions that would arise in choosing his successor, pressed him earnestly to make a still further sacrifice of his inclination to the public good. But his purpose was fixed, and not to be changed. He believed that he had done enough, and that he might now, without any dereliction of duty, resign the helm of government into other hands. Having determined to retire, he thought proper to make this determination known in a formal manner, and at

so early a day, as to enable his fellow-citizens to turn their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare for a new election.

Accordingly his Farewell Address to the people of the United States was published on the 15th of September, nearly six months before his term of office expired. In this paper are embodied the results of his long experience in public affairs, and a system of policy, which in his opinion was the best suited to insure to his country the blessings of union, peace, and prosperity, and the respect of other nations. For the vigor of its language, the soundness of its maxims, the wisdom of its counsels, and its pure and elevated sentiments, this performance is unrivalled; and the lapse of forty years has rather increased than diminished the admiration with which it was universally received. The sensation, which it produced in every class of the community, was as strong as it has been permanent. Even the fierce spirit of party could not resist the impulse, nor weaken its force. The State legislatures, when they assembled, and other public bodies, voted addresses and thanks to the President, expressing a cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years in which he had filled the office of chief magistrate, and their deep regret that the nation was to be deprived of his services. In some of the States, the Farewell Address was printed and published with the laws by order of the legislatures, as an evidence of the value they attached to its political precepts, and of their affection for its author.

The two houses of Congress came together in December, and Washington met them for the last time.

* See the FAREWELL ADDRESS, and various particulars relating to it, in Volume XII. pp. 214, 382.

As he had usually done in his former speeches, he first presented a clear and comprehensive view of the condition of the country, and the executive proceedings within the last year, and then recommended to their consideration certain measures, which he deemed important. Among these were the gradual increase of the navy, a provision for the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, the establishment of a national university, and the institution of a military academy. The relations with France were made the subject of a separate message. At the end of his speech he said ;

"The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country, on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved; and that the government, which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties, may be perpetual."

Little was done during the session. Public attention was engrossed with the pending election. The votes of the electors were returned to Congress, and in February they were opened and counted in the presence of both houses. It appeared that John Adams was chosen President, and Thomas Jefferson Vice-President, the former having the highest number of votes, and the latter the next highest. The strength of the parties was tried in this contest. Mr. Adams was supported by the friends of the administration, or the fed