are calculated to give confidence to the negociations for peace, or in case of being reduced to that alternative, energy to the operations of war; that would induce him to tell the enemy by the very next post, by which the unanimous determination of parliament to provide for every situation is conveyed, that the house of commons had interfered to stop the effect of their for. mer decision, had suspended the means that were to add weight to the exertions of the executive government, and at so critical a moment of the negociation had committed the interests of this country and her allies, and flattered the hopes and raised the pretensions of the enemy. Such is the length to which the proposition of the right honourable gentleman goes. It is not to remedy the imputed crime which has been committed, nor to guard against the chance of its occurring in future, but it is calculated to derange every measure which may be in train, and to disappoint every design that may be in contemplation. I cannot, however, but hope, that when the right honourable gentleman has viewed the subject with more consideration, when he has again slept upon his wrath, he will recur to that coolness which he first experienced, and that his vehemence and his alarm will subside. But whether the right honourable gentleman is to be deterred by the prospect of the dangers which must arise from the measure which he proposes, at least I cannot doubt that consideration will have its just weight with the house.

The right honourable gentleman says, that if he succeeds in his present motion, he will move the house against his Majesty's ministers for the part they have acted upon this occasion. There is one thing that I will intreat of the right honourable gentleman, and he may be assured it is the only supplication that I will address to him upon this subject, and it is, that if he can prove to the house that I have violated the 'constitution, and committed the crime of which he accuses me, he will not defer a single moment to take the step which he has threatened; that he will confine his efforts to that object, and that he will not combine with the vengeance he pursues, a measure that involves the ruin of his country. Let the punishment destined for mi.

nisters light upon them alone, and let the consequences of the measures which they employed to avert the dangers which threatened their country, the measures which they adopted for its safety, for the salvation of Europe, rest upon themselves. This much I address to the right honourable gentleman, not for personal considerations, nor do I intreat the boon as a matter of personal indulgence. If it be refused by him, I hope at least that the house will be actuated by more moderate feelings, and guided by wiser maxims.

The rest of the right honourable gentleman's propositions, and the point of his observations, are so exclusively confined to myself, that I am at a loss in what way to proceed, or whether I ought to trespass upon the house with any remarks upon them, since the subject is intended for a more full discussion. I can. not, however, refrain from exposing the strange and extraor dinary misrepresentations which he has given of the general question upon which he builds the conclusion of criminality; and I cannot doubt, that when the house perceives the foundation upon which the accusation is raised, they will be able to judge of the effect that ought to be given to the others with which it was vested in the house of commons. The right ho nourable gentleman stated the general principle which constituted the chief security of our liberties-the power of controlling the public expenditure--and I hope there is little difference of opinion upon this subject. The right honourable gentleman says, that if there is one thing sure in the constitution, it is this; and if it be violated, he maintains that the people still possess the means of obtaining redress. After the representations which the house have heard upon the dilapidations which the constitution has suffered, and the invasions committed upon the public liberties, they may judge of the reality of the danger which is now threatened, when it is even yet admitted that resources are left by which it may be opposed. Although the general principle which the right honourable gentleman states as the essence of the freedom of the constitution be admitted, it cannot be dis. puted that it is subject to limitation. At every period since the

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commencement of those periods to which we refer for the pure practice of the constitution, in the best and most glorious æras in the history of our government, the principle of extraordinaries has been received, not merely for individual expenses, but recognised upon general views. It has prevailed under every administration, even those with which the right honourable gentleman was connected, during the three last reigns, and in the most approved periods of liberty and constitutional policy. The right honourable gentleman then holds this principle without exception, while the practice of every government proves that it has been always limited, and his whole argument is applicable to all the extraordinaries that ever were voted by parlia ment. It is impossible, therefore, that the right honourable gentleman could have correctly stated-1 can hardly believe that he has. sincerely stated-this argument, which his experience must disavow, and his knowledge must inform him is neither consistent with the principles of the constitution, nor with its practice at periods which deserve to be followed as examples.

But though I am here arguing upon general points, the ques tion in reality comes within a narrower compass. The right ho nourable gentleman chuses to overlook in one instance what he alludes to in another part of his speech. Did it never occur to him that parliament had sometimes committed to his Majesty, not new, but special powers, which superseded all general questions? In reality this discretionary power is expressly committed to his Majesty. Before I sit down, I intend to move that his Majesty's message of the 8th of December last year should be read, and likewise, the act, granting a vote of credit. From this it will appear that a power was given to his Majesty to apply the sum contained in the vote of credit as the exigen. cies of the state might require. Suppose the case, which will not be a less suitable illustration, because it approaches the fact, that powers had been conferred to give that assistance to the allies of this country, which our own interest and the circumstances of the situation required; can any man doubt that the minister, who should have hesitated to issue that sum, which,

granted, might have enabled our allies to maintain their own cause, and to defend the safety of Europe, and who should have allowed the enemies of Austria to complete her destruction by withholding a seasonable supply, would have been a traitor to his country, and would have merited the severest punishment? The vote of credit last year does actually invest the executive go. verment with a discretionary power of applying the sums granted in a manner that might best suit the public exigencies, and the money applied to the service of the emperor is within the amount of the grant. I do not mean to say that the discretion thus vested in the crown is absolute and independent of the control of parliament, or that the minister, who exercises it in an improper manner, is exempted from censure; but in what man-.. ner I understand this limitation, I will state when I am called upon to make my defence. Whatever be the issue of this discussion, I cannot forbear observing, even at the risk of incurring the imputation of arrogance, that I would rather be convicted of having acted a principal part in the measure of granting a supply by which the salvation of Austria was secured, and the independence of Europe was maintained, than be acquitted for with. holding that aid, by which the cause of our allies was sacrificed, and the general interests of mankind compromised. At present, however, the question is not, Whether the conduct of his Majesty's ministers was proper or improper; whether they were entitled to praise or deserving of punishment? The house have now to determine, Whether they shall announce to France that the supplies of the year are to be stopped, and the exertions of the executive power suspended? Whether at a moment of such critical importance we are to be reduced to the unhappy situation when we can neither prosecute the negociation with that confi. dence which is calculated to insure a favourable issue, nor prepare for war with an energy which can afford the prospect of success to our exertions?

The House divided on the question, that the word "now" stand part of

Mr. Fox, after an introductory speech, condemning, as unconstitutional, the conduct of ministers in having granted money to the Emperor of Germany and the Prince of Condé, without the consent of Parliament, moved the following resolution: "That his Majesty's ministers, having authorised and directed, at different times, without the consent, and during the sitting of Parliament, the issue of various sums of money for the service of his Imperial Majesty, and also for the service of the army under the Prince of Condé, have acted contrary to their duty, and to the trust reposed in them, and have thereby violated the constitutional privileges of this House." Mr. PITT then rose:

When I consider, Sir, the nature of the motion which is this day brought forward by the right honourable gentle. man against his Majesty's ministers, and the serious charge which it involves, I must regard myself as particularly impli cated in that charge, as possessing a particular share of responsibility in the conduct of that measure which is censured as a violation of the constitution, and a breach of the privileges of this house. I have,, however, in the discussion of this ques tion every thing to expect from the candour and justice of the house. An imputation of a most serious kind has been advanced against his Majesty's ministers; but it is necessary that all which may be offered on both sides should be fairly heard, before any decision can take place. It is requisite that gentlemen should be in full possession of every important fact that can be adduced, before they hasten to a conclusion which necessarily involves in it matter of such weight and magnitude. The house should clearly know the general principles on which it is to decide; it should know the grounds on which the theory of this part of the consti