The determined perseverance of the British minister in a plan of so much utility to the empire at large, was not to be checked by the firmness of the Irish opposition.

On the 19th of March, Lord Grenville opened the business in the British House of Peers. In the performance of his duty, it afforded him some relief, he said, to find that the two main points on which the resolutions were founded, had been sufficiently established to preclude the necessity of dwelling upon them. These were, that the legislature of Ireland had an independent right of deciding upon any proposal of Union as fully as the parliament of Great Britain, and that the interest of the empire at large, and of every branch of it in particular, required the maintenance and improvement of the connection between the countries. So far from being unseasonable, he was of opinion, that it was highly expedient and politic to enter upon a speedy inquiry into the merits of the measure. Its nature had been misconceived in Ireland; the views of its advocates had

"so, as I am fully confident, that your lordship expects or desires from me no "other than a plain and sincere answer to it.

"Give me leave to say then, that considering, as I do, a peerage of Ireland "to be conferred and accepted as a great and almost sacred trust for the good, "benefit, and advantage of the Irish nation, and so to be executed, I cannot "give my consent and concurrence to remove from their country their own le"gislature by a legislative Union with Great Britain. I speak this, as being my public duty towards the people of Ireland.

"As a Briton and Englishman, I cannot but frequently and feelingly reflect, "how very different the state of Ireland was about four or five years ago, from "what it has been since; although it is, beyond doubt, exceedingly bettered "by the wise, mild, and benevolent government of your lordship. Surely then, "it much behoves some men well and seriously to revolve within themselves, "what and whose counsels and system they have been, that have thus brought "the Irish_nation to their present disposition and situation from the temper "and attachment to us, which so generally and warmly prevailed with them "no longer ago than in the time of Lord Fitzwilliam. What a change! Are "not such ways of proceeding and governing, the doing ourselves the work of "our enemies?

"It is therefore most earnestly to be desired, that our responsible statesmen "and ministers will duly and deeply consider, whether the proposed step is "more likely to reconcile really our sister kingdom to England, or ultimately "to exasperate and inveterate it in a greater degree against us, before they "proceed in so extremely important, or, perhaps, almost desperate measures.

Whether this distant and remote parliamentary election may not, by an " addition to the power and influence of the crown, affect likewise our consti"tution at home; and whether no such event has, by a similar circumstance, “ever already taken place in our own island, may, perhaps, be too tender a point "for me to enter into.

"Such are, however, the humble, but sincere sentiments of a retired old Iman, who is nearer to ninety than to eighty years of age. I hope and trust, "that your lordship will be pleased to accept them in good part as a respectful, although plain answer on the subject of the application made by your lordship to me.

"I have the honour to be,
"My Lord, &c.

"ROKEBY."

been misrepresented; prejudices and unfounded alarms had thrown an odium on the proposition. To dissipate such delusions, and repel such assaults, early deliberation was necessary, that national animosity might not be imbittered or inflamed into a decisive rejection of the offer. It could not justly be thought an ill compliment to the commons of Ireland to discuss a scheme which they had not finally exploded, though it did not appear to have received their strong approbation.

- In examining the state of connection between the kingdoms, his lordship observed, that the settlement in 1782 did not supply the link, which by the abrogation of the former system was destroyed. It did not provide both for the independence of the parliament of Ireland, and for the close connection so essentially requisite for the common interests of the two countries. The supposed identity of the regal power in both was the only bond and security of that connection. That in a pure and unmixed monarchy might be sufficient; because the power of the sovereign could be exerted in the same manner in every part. The case, however, was different in a mixed government, where the exercise of authority was limited by the different privileges of its component parts. In Holland, for instance, from the time of Sir William Temple to the late subversion of the government of that country, every friend to the united states had lamented the imperfect connection which subsisted between them, and every enemy had availed himself of the defect. The Americans, on the establishment of their independence, had experienced a similar inconvenience. The power which existed in each of the federal states was found to be too great, and that of the whole too feeble. It had been thought necessary, therefore, to abridge the authority of the states individually, to draw closer the general union, and to enlarge the authority, by which the whole was governed, and holden together. Even now, perhaps, it was one of the principal defects in the constitution of the American states, that the power of each was too extensive, and that of the general legislature and government too weak for the public interest and security. The want of a general government, to direct the efforts and employ the resources of the whole confederacy, had contributed to the ruin of Switzerland. Had that country possessed a government capable of employing and directing its united strength, it might have opposed an effectual resistance to the violence and injustice of its perfidious enemy.

Considering the supposed bond of connection between Great Britain and Ireland, his lordship did not hesitate to say, that it was absolutely null. If by the constitution the royal power could soar above the control of parliament, the regal identity might operate as a medium of connection; but, if the par

liament could check that power, and the crown required the aid of the legislature even for ordinary occasions of government, the connection was hugatory while each realm had a distinct parliament.

The noble secretary proceeded to treat in detail of the chief branches of the royal prerogative, with a view of illustrating the manner, in which they were or might be exercised in the two kingdoms. He argued distinctly upon the exercise of the ecclesiastical, military, fiscal, and political prerogatives of the crown, and plainly shewed how it might be checked and perverted from the constitutional ends of vesting them in the execu tive, by the possible (and as had actually happened in the case of. the regency) discordance of independent parliaments. In the present state of connection, he contended, that the crown itself might give rise to a contest. The title to the crown was created by parliament, which was at all times competent to alter it. On what foundation then did the succession rest? It was regu lated by the act of annexation: the Irish parliament was independent, and might vary the tenure, as well as that of Great Britain. Hence it was necessary for the general interest of the empire, that some measure should be taken for strengthening this connection. In the adjustment of a scheme of this nature, the local interests of Ireland claimed, particular attention; and indeed the proposed plan would consolidate and extend those interests. The evils of that kingdom obviously called for a speedy remedy. The present government unfortunately had not grown up with the habits of the people. The English connection was begun among them by the worst of all conquests, one that was incomplete and partial. At different times the invaders made occasional progress; and renewed hostilities kept alive the flame of animosity.

His lordship then went into an historical disquisition of the progress of that country to civilization and its present state. The good consequences of Union would quickly appear, in the progress of civilization, the prevalence of order, the increase of industry and wealth, and the improvement of moral habits. The Hibernian Protestants would feel themselves secure under the protection of a Protestant imperial parliament; and the anxiety of the Catholics would be allayed by the hope of a more candid examination of their claims from a parliament not influenced by the prejudices of a local legislature. A free admission of the Catholics into the Irish parliament might lead to a subversion of its constitution; but all fear of their preponderancy would vanish under a general legislature, as they then would be far outnumbered by the Protestants. The animosities of these rival parties would be allayed; and a tranquillity which Ireland

had rarely enjoyed would be the pleasing result. He then touched upon the real point in dispute. It was absurd to suppose, that the independence of Ireland would be sacrificed in the event of an Union. It would still remain, and even derive fresh vigour from being consolidated with the proudest and most solid independence that ever was enjoyed. Before the Union which took place in 1707, England and Scotland were, in fact, less independent than when they afterwards composed the kingdom of Great Britain. By this Union, each kingdom had become more independent of foreign nations, and more independent, if he could so speak, of human events; each had become more powerful, and had increased in prosperity. In like manner, if this legislative Union should take place, no individual would suffer in dignity, rank, or condition; but, in a national view, all would receive an addition. When the Union with Scotland was in agitation, loud clamours arose against it; but time had shewn, that they were ill-founded. It was promotive of the general interests of the empire to consult the interests of every component part of it; and, as this had proved true with regard to Scotland, in consequence of an union with that country, so, he was persuaded, a similar measure would operate with respect to Ireland. Nothing could be adduced as a more powerful motive to Union, than that both countries were assailed by a common enemy, whose aim was to destroy Great Britain by making Ireland the medium of that mischief. Before the Union with Scotland, it was also the aim of the French to render that country subservient to their insidious designs. At present, the chief hope of resistance to the tyrannical power of France seemed to rest on Great Britain; and Ireland, in her weak and disordered sate, could look to this country alone for support. Her independence was essentially involved in her connection with Britain; and, if she should shake off that tie, she would fall under the French yoke.

His lordship now moved the first resolution, and intimated, that he should afterwards request the house to vote an address favourable to the adjustment of a complete Union.

Earl Fitzwilliam declined an ample discussion of the subject, because he deemed the agitation of it unseasonable. It would tend to inflame dissension, and impair the strength and vigour of the empire. The rebellion in Ireland had arisen from a disunion between the different ranks of the community, and a mixture of religious and political animosity. The same causes had long been productive of evil; but it was not probable, that a measure repugnant to the feelings of the majority of the nation would operate as a remedy. If the evils of the country, as some alleged, arose from a separate legislature, would an Union anni

hilate the British influence, which prevailed in that legislature? Would it not still be paramount after the conjunction of the two parliaments?

Upon the subject of the distinctions between the orders, would they be remedied by an incorporated Union? Had the noble lord said any thing to induce the house to believe, that these distinctions would be relieved by an Union? He had heard, indeed, something of an insinuation thrown out. But had the house, or the people of Ireland, any thing of greater weight than that insinuation? If it were meant to conciliate the Catholics and the lower orders of people, and that was to be done by an incorporated Union, it would first be necessary to shew them how much they would be benefited by it. Many persons, who. were amongst the brightest ornaments of the state, were at present shut out of the legislature. Who would tell him, that the Protestant interest would be endangered by the admission of a Catholic lord in that house: yet this, with all the niggard jealousy, fit only for the darkest minds, was refused. Did any one at that time of day believe, that the family of the Stuarts would be supported by the Catholics? And yet the benches of the house were bare of those, who, in point of birth-right, had as much right to a seat in the house as any of their lordships. The noble lord had said, that the tests required in the army of Ireland, and in the army of England, were different. They were so. In Ireland they had admitted the Catholics into the army; in England they were excluded. Would the Catholics then be conciliated by getting into a more narrow-minded legislature? An incorporated Union did not promise that which they required: it put them rather at a greater distance. The whole arguments of the noble lord tended to shew, that both countries, when incorporated, would be stronger and better. But the inconveniences, stated as likely to arise from a separate legisla ture, had existed from the most ancient times. It was not from 1782 only, but long before that period, that all acts of imperial concern had been done by the Irish parliament. In the declaration of war in 1778 and 1757, their lordships would find, that his majesty had communicated such declarations to the Irish parliament. They had the power of deliberating upon it, and of course, as the noble lord had said properly, of deciding. The house then had the experience of ages, that the dangers apprehended from a separate legislature had not arisen. Why, then, it was next to be considered, whether this were the proper time for an Union. On the part of Great Britain he would say....Do you wish to introduce into the British parliament the rebellion of Ireland? Do you wish to introduce the representatives of Ireland....Representatives elected by the free electors of Ireland?