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" people, must look forward with earnest anxiety to the moment "when in conformity to the sentiments, wishes and real interest "of his subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, they may all be in"separably united in the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free "constitution, in the support of the honour and dignity of his ma"jesty's crown, and in the preservation and advancement of the "welfare and prosperity of the whole British empire.

"I feel most sensibly the arduous situation in which I am "placed, and the weight of the trust which his majesty has im"posed upon me at this most important crisis; but if I should "be so fortunate as to carry this great measure, I shall think the "labours and anxieties of a life devoted to the service of my country "amply repaid, and shall retire with the conscious satisfaction that "I have had some share in averting from his majesty's domini. ❝ons those dangers and calamities, which have overspread so "large a portion of Europe."

Violent as were the effects of the opposite exertions to forward and resist the Union in Ireland, in Great Britain the project excited but a slight degree of attention or interest. Many consi dered it as a measure, that promised little benefit and threatened little inconvenience to either country. Even the most violent Unionists were not so sanguine, as to conclude that all its good effects would be rapid or immediate; though some less attentive to the real state of Ireland, vainly imagined that her evils and miseries would instantly disappear upon her union with Great Britain.

When the session of the British parliament closed on the 12th of July, the king, after expressing his joy at the comparatively tranquil state of Ireland, observed, that the ultimate security of that country could alone be established by its" intimate and entire union" with Great Britain.*

• Thus his majesty spoke with reference to Ireland. (9 Eng. Deb. p. 578.) "I have the satisfaction of seeing, that internal tranquillity is in some degree restored in my kingdom of Ireland.

"The removal of the only remaining naval force of the enemy to a distant quarter must nearly extinguish even the precarious hope, which the traitor"ous and disaffected have entertained of foreign assistance.

"But our great reliance for the immediate safety of that country must still "rest on the experienced zeal and bravery of my troops of all descriptions, and on the unshaken loyalty and voluntary exertions of my faithful subjects "in both kingdoms.

"Its ultimate security can alone be ensured by its intimate and entire Union "with Great Britain; and I am happy to observe, that the sentiments mani"fested by numerous and respectable descriptions of my Irish subjects, justi"fy the hope, that the accomplishment of this great and salutary work will be "proved to be as much the joint wish, as it unquestionably is the common inte. "rest of both my kingdoms."

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Ireland was now neither convulsed with rebellion, nor perfectly tranquil. Several counties (the Anti-unionists said for carrying the union) were proclaimed. The presence of numerous troops kept the mal-contents in awe and repressed disorder; the extraordinary powers of courts-martial diffused through the realm an effective terror. Some insults, outrages, and depredations, however, were committed; inveterate animosity inflamed the public mind, and the question of union aggravated the bitterness of contest.

If credit be allowed the reports of the Anti-unionists, the meanest artifices were practised to obtain signatures to the several addresses; and the lowest of the rabble were invited to subscribe their names or affix their marks. On the other hand, the Unionists accused their opponents of having had recourse to scandalous misrepresentations, and of having abused the credulity of the populace by shameless impositions. These mutual charges and recriminations were unfortunately but too well founded.

The influence of government was surprisingly forwarded by the progress which the lord lieutenant made through many counties which he conceived to be well-disposed to the measure.

While this great imperial measure was advancing to maturity, the legislature of Great Britain re-assembled as early as on the 24th of September. His majesty then represented the experience of every day as confirming him in the persuasion,* that signal benefit would be derived to both countries from that important measure; and he trusted, that the disposition of the parliament of Ireland would be found to correspond with that, which the national council of Britain had manifested for the accomplishment of the scheme. The marquis of Buckingham, when he moved the address of thanks, observed, that, from the opportunities of accurate judgment afforded to him by a residence in Ireland at different periods, and from the very attentive consideration which he had bestowed on the subject, the probable benefits of the measure struck him ina forcible light. He was confident that the happiest effects would result from it. The people of Ireland, he said, had long thought themselves injured by the domineering influence and selfishness of Britain; but all such prejudices would be removed by an union; and a close conjunction of interests, with the prevalence of the same laws over the whole empire, would establish peace and tranquillity, contentment and happiness. The popular sentiment in favour of Union was rapidly gaining ground.

In proceeding to the year 1800, the exertions of the marquis of Downshire and other Anti-unionists demand particular notice. In the first month of that year, that marquis, the earl of Charle

10 Parl. Reg. p. 3.

mont, and William Brabazon Ponsonby, member for the county of Kilkenny, sent circular letters to the Irish gentry and yeomanry, to the following effect. They were authorised, they said by a number of gentlemen of both houses of parliament, thirty-eight of whom were representatives of counties, to intimate their opinion, that petitions to parliament, declaring the real sense of the freeholders on the subject of a legislative union, would at that time be highly expedient; and, if such a proceeding should meet with the approbation of any one of the individuals, to whom the letters were addressed, it was recommended to him to use his influence in procuring such a petition without delay from his county. It was reported that the same gentlemen, together with some other enemies to the Union, had formed a stock purse for defraying the expenses of opposing it.

The conduct of the marquis of Downshire was so displeasing to government, that he was removed from the government of the county, the colonelcy of the royal Downshire regiment of 1200 men, and was also erased from the list of privy counsellors. The Anti-unionists highly resented this disgrace of the marquis, and availed themselves of it as an additional and flagrant proof of the corrupt bias and intimidation, with which it was the determination of government to carry the Union.

From the propagation of parliament to the close of the year both parties busied themselves with unceasing industry in advancing their respective causes. The great body of Roman Catholics had rather kept themselves back upon the question. Many of that body thought for themselves upon the point, and promiscuously with their fellow-subjects signed addresses and resolu tions, some for and some against the Union, under the general descriptions of freeholders or inhabitants of particular districts.* In all large bodies of any religious or civil distinction will be found a gregarious disposition or bias, arising out of some fact or principle common to the spirit of their general union and incorporation. When therefore the Catholics perceived that the greatest number and the most violent opposers of the legislative Union were the most virulent of the Orangemen and the real mal-contents or separatists, their feelings were not keenly excited to coalesce with the Anti-unionists. The lord lieutenant had uniformly shewn them protection and kindness, and so gratified were they with this pleasing novelty, that the affections and gratitude of most of the body were firmly attached to his administration and to the measures, which his excellency so warmly espoused and recom mended,

In some counties and districts the Roman Catholics came forward under their distinct appellation, as may be seen by some addresses in the Appendix, No. CXVIII.

It may indeed be said, that a very great preponderancy in favour of the Union existed in the Catholic body, particularly in their nobility, gentry, and clergy. The severities and indignities practised upon them after the rebellion by many of the Orange party, and the offensive affected confusion and use of the terms papist and rebel produced fresh soreness in the minds of many, the pointed recollection of the long sufferings of their body from their own legislature, and the grateful sense of the benefits they had received from the parental tenderness of their sovereign, after the indignant rejection and contumely of the Irish parliament, all naturally tended to inspire the Catholics with plenary confidence and attachment to the marquis Cornwallis and this favourite measure of his government. Some highly respectable members of the Roman Catholic communion were certain

ly very warm Anti-unionists. It probably is owing to the kind

and liberal conduct of lord Cornwallis's administration towards that body, and to the opposite treatment, which they experienced from the rigorists, that so many Roman Catholics solicited the Union. For unquestionably no distinct description of persons had so interesting and strong an argument to ground their opposition upon, as the body of Roman Catholics, who by the Union evidently forfeited all the constitutional advantages of a most decided majority in an independent nation, to sink into an insignifi, cant minority of the united kingdom,

As Dublin appeared to be exposed to more loss and local prejudice from the Union, than any other part of the kingdom, so was the opposition to it there more vigorously supported than in any other part of the kingdom. Here indeed a large portion of the Roman Catholic residents came forward in their distinct capacity of Catholics to oppose it, which in other parts of the king dom they had not done, although several Catholic individuals had signed addresses and resolutions promiscuously with their Protestant brethren against the measure. This step was productive of some disunion in the Catholic body; as the clergy and many other respectable inhabitants of the city of that communion were for supporting the lord lieutenant in the measure. The effects

of this difference of opinion in the Catholic body was perceived by their innate adversaries the Orangemen, who, in order not to weaken their body by any such internal disunion, warily published an advertisement from their grand lodge to prevent even the discussion of the question amongst them.*

GRAND ORANGE LODGE.

To the Orangemen of Ireland.

Dublin, Jan. 21, 1800.

The grand lodge of Ireland observe with heartfelt satisfaction, that their former recommendation to their brethren, to abstain, as Orangemen, from any

Before the meeting of the parliament in January, such Catholics of Dublin as were Anti-unionists, held a meeting at the Royal Exchange on the subject of the projected Union. Some difficulties arose in the way of the meeting from the military, but which were removed the moment his excellency marquis Cornwallis became acquainted with the attempt made to prevent an expression of the popular opinion on a question big with the fate of the popular interests.

The assembly having obtained permission to speak, Mr. Moore was unanimously called to the chair, when counsellor O'Connel opened the business of the meeting, with observing, that under the circumstances of the present day, and the systematic calumnies flung against the Catholic character, it was more than once determined by the Roman Catholics of Dublin to stand entirely aloof, as a mere sect, from all political discussion, at the same time that they were ready as forming generally a part of the people of Ireland, to confer with and express their opinions in conjunction with their Protestant fellow-subjects. This resolution, which they had entered into, gave rise to an extensive and injurious misrepresentation, and it was asserted by the advocates of Union, daringly and insolently asserted, that the Roman Catholics of Ireland were friends to the measure of Union, and silent allies of that conspiracy formed against the name, the interests, and the liberties of Ireland. This libel on the Catholic character was strengthened by the partial declarations of some mean and

discussion of the question of Union, has had the happiest effects, inasmuch as it has disappointed the sanguine and malignant hopes entertained by the enemies to religion and good order, that such discussion would be productive of discord amongst Orangemen. They now feel it their duty to offer some further observations on the present juncture of affairs.

Orangemen in different capacities, as members of parliament, grand jurors, freeholders, and members of corporate bodies, have opportunities of debating the important question of an Union-but it is the earnest entreaty of the grand lodge, that as a society they will continue silent--for as every Orangeman, however zealous, may, and no doubt will, from local circumstances, conceive different ideas on this subject, the discussion of a question of such magnitude, involving not only great imperial topics, but also matters of local advantage and local disadvan tage, must unavoidably create a division in opinion-and" an house divided "against itself cannot stand." It is therefore recommended to all Orangemen to keep in mind the great object for which they have associated, to wit:"We associate to the utmost of our power to support and defend his majesty "King George the Third, the constitution and laws of this country, and the "succession to the throne in his majesty's illustrious house being Protestants, "for the defence of our persons and properties, and to maintain the peace of "our country; and for these purposes we will be at all times ready to assist "the civil and military powers, in the just and lawful discharge of their duty," and to avoid as injurious to the institution all controversy upon subjects not connected with our principles.

THOMAS VERNER, Grand Master.
JOHN C. BERESFORD, Grand Sec.

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