and also, to major generals John Floyd, Thomas Bridges, William Popham, James Hartley, and David Baird, and to the respective officers of the armies employed on that occasion against the enemy, for their distinguished and meritorious services. 6. That this House doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the services of the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers employed against the enemy in the late glorious and decisive war in the East Indies; and that the same be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant behaviour." The several Resolutions were agreed to nem. dis. Similar resolutions were this day moved in the Commons by Mr. Secretary Dundas, and agreed to nem. con. Lord Holland's Motion for an Address respecting the Treaties with Russia.] Oct. 11. Lord Holland went into an 1able examination of the Treaties with Russia, (See p. 1168) and concluded with moving, tive provision, to enable his majesty to fulfil the seventh article of the treaty of the 22nd of June 1799, which engages for the maintenance of a body of Russian troops within these kingdoms, upon certain contingencies; but at the same time humbly to represent to his majesty, that we have seen the stipulation above alluded to with the most serious concern and anxiety, as from the unprecedented manner in which it has been concluded, and in which it has been communicated to this House, there is too much reason to fear that those persons who have advised his majesty to this measure, and whose conduct, in this instance, we cannot too severely condemn, entertain an opinion that a power is vested in the crown of introducing and maintaining within these kingdoms a foreign force, without the consent or sanction of parliament, and that we therefore feel ourselves particularly called upon to guard against the establishment of such a power, which is totally inconsistent with the ancient laws of this realm, and with the security of those indubitable rights which our ancestors asserted at the Revolution, and which we are determined to maintain. Farther to express to his majesty, that in cheerfully adopting such measures as may be necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war, we entertain a confident expectation that his majesty will faithfully adhere to the pledge which he has so solemnly given to this country, and to Europe, in his declaration of the 28th of October 1797, and humbly to suggest to "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return our most humble thanks for the gracious communication of the two treaties, which his majesty, by the advice of his ministers, has been pleased to enter into with his majesty the emperor of all the Russias. To express our sincere satisfaction at perceiving that his majesty has entered into no engagement with the powers at war with France, which can lead to an interference with I the internal affairs of that country, or pre-his majesty, that the present moment clude the conclusion of peace upon just and equitable terms with the French republic. That though considering the unparalleled sacrifices which his majesty's faithful subjects have already made, and that we are now engaged in the seventh year of an expensive and destructive war, from the calamities of which Russia has been hitherto exempt, we might have expected a more gratuitous exertion of the force of that powerful empire in the com. mon cause; we shall nevertheless not fail to concur in such measures as the wisdom of parliament may suggest for the purpose of meeting the additional and heavy expenses which his majesty's engagements with the emperor of all the Russias will necessarily occasion. To assure his majesty that our anxious desire to maintain this majesty's personal honour inviolate, will induce us also to concur in a legisla J seems peculiarly favourable to the adoption of moderate and pacific counsels, when the improved situation of affairs, and the successes of his majesty and his allies, will give an additional grace and dignity to measures of a conciliatory nature, and when the joint weight of the allies, sincerely exerted in a fair and honourable negociation for peace, may be expected to produce the happiest effects. That it is far from the wish or intention of this House to reflect upon any of his majesty's allies, or to excite suspicions injurious to that sincere and cordial co-operation, which is no less essential to a successful prosecution of the war than to an effective negotiation for peace. But we cannot conceal from ourselves, nor will we, by any ill-timed flattery, dissemble from his majesty the dangers which may result from not endeavouring pressed, persuaded, that some unequivocal proof of a sincere desire for the re-esta blishment of peace, on just and reasonable grounds, would afford the best hope of producing a correspondent disposition in the enemy, or, if contrary to that just expectation, from ambition, from pride, or from a spirit of revenge, such honourable overtures as his majesty might be advised to make should be rejected, that it would produce the double advantage of destroying the confidence of the people of France in their present rulers, and of increasing the zeal, energy, and spirit of all descrip tions of his majesty's faithful subjects, in the necessary prosecution of just and unavoidable hostilities." The Treaties were briefly defended by lord Grenville, who gave his decided negative to the motion. After which, the House divided: Contents, 2; Not-contents 15. On the 12th of October, both Houses adjourned to the 21st of January 1800. The King's Message respecting Overtures of Peace from the Consular Govern ment of France.] January 22, 1800. Ma Pitt presented the following Message from his Majesty: in time to set on foot a joint negotiation | the principles of moderation therein exfor peace, whilst the confederacy against Françe yet remains unbroken. The former events of the present war sufficiently prove, that Great Britain may be left alone to support the whole burthen of the contest, against a formidable and irritated enemy, notwithstanding the sacrifices she had made for the common interest, and in defiance of the most solemn engagements, not to conclude a peace but by common consent. We have not learnt that such treaties at present exist with all the powers now engaged in the war, nor have we seen such decisive and unequivocal symptoms of a perfect union and concert in their views and objects as to silence the apprehensions which we feel it our duty to state to his majesty, that by new concessions, which France has such abundant means of making, without any diminution of her incor porated territory, some of the members of the confederacy may be separated from the common cause, and Great Britain again lose the inestimable advantages which now offer of opening a negociation. for peace, supported by the whole weight, authority, and power of her present allies. That whilst we are aware that it is neither practicable nor prudent to define the precise terms and conditions upon which peace must ultimately be concluded, which we are sensible must alter with the circumstances of the war, and the different degrees of security which different situations and the various interests of the powers engaged may require, we conceive nevertheless that it is not only perfectly practicable and safe, but that at this moment it would be at tended with important advantages to state what are now the principles which, with the consent and concurrence of his allies, his majesty would be willing to adopt as the basis of immediate negotiation: at least, we cannot forbear most earnestly to entreat his majesty to disclaim such views as must render peace with the republic of France utterly unattainable; and the suspicion of which cannot fail to unite the people of that country in a furious zeal and hatred against the British nation, as being engaged in the unjustifiable project of imposing upon them a government by force, or of dismembering their ancient empire. Recurring, therefore, to his majesty's royal declaration of 1797, we humbly beseech his majesty to reject all such counsels as would lead him to depart from "GEORGE R. "The Supplies granted in the commencement of the present session having been calculated to provide only for the first months of the year, his majesty now recommends it to the House of Commons, to make such farther provision as they may judge necessary, under the present circumstances, for the several branches of the public service, and for the vigorous prosecution of the war; and his majesty has given directions that the proper esti mates for this purpose should be laid before the House. "His majesty has thought proper on this occasion to direct that there should be laid before the House, copies of Communications recently received from the enemy, and of the Answers which have been returned thereto, by his majesty's command. "His majesty entertains the fullest confidence that those Answers will ap pear to this House to have been conform able to that line of conduct which was required from his majesty on this occasion, by his regard to all the most important interests of his dominions. And his ma jesty, having no object more at heart than heart of your majesty, who reigns over a free These sentiments cannot be foreign to the nation, and with the sole view of rendering it happy. that of contributing, as soon as the situa tion of affairs shall render it practicable, to the re-establishment of the general tranquillity of Europe, on a sure and solid foundation, and of providing effectually for the security and permanent prosperity of his faithful people, places a firm reliance on the continued support of his parliament, and on the zeal and perseverance of his subjects, in such measures as may best tend to confirm the signal advantages which have been obtained, to the common cause, in the course of the last campaign, and to conduct the great contest, in which his majesty is engaged, to a safe and honourable conclusion. "G. R." Papers relating to the Overture of Peace from the Consular Government of France.] The following Papers were laid before both Houses, by his majesty's command: TRANSLATION of a Letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs in France to Lord Grenville, dated 25th December 1799. My lord; dispatch, by order of general Buonaparte, First Consul of the French republic, a messenger to London; he is the bearer of a letter from the first consul of the republic, to his majesty the king of England. I request you to give the necessary orders that he may be enabled to deliver it directly into your own hands. This step, in itself, announces the importance of its object. Accept, my lord, the assurance, &c. (Signed) CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND. Paris, 5th Nivose, 8th year of the French Republic (December 25th, 1799). TRANSLATION of a Letter from General Buonaparté, dated Paris, 25th December 1799. French Republic-Sovereignty of the People Liberty, Equality. Buonaparte, First Consul of the Republic, to his Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland, Paris, the 5th Nivose, 8th year of the Republic (December 25th, MX 1799). Via · Called by the wishes of the French nation to occupy the first magistracy of the republic, I think it proper, on entering into office, to make a direct communication of it to your majesty. The war which, for eight years, has ravaged the four quarters of the world, must it be eternal ? Are there no means of coming to an understanding? How can the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond what their safety and independence require, sacrifice to ideas of vain greatness, the benefits of com Your majesty will only see in this overture my sincere desire to contribute efficaciously, for the second time, to a general pacification, by a step speedy, entirely of confidence, and disengaged from those forms which, necessary perhaps to disguise the dependence of weak the mutual desire of deceiving each other. states, prove only, in those which are strong, France and England, by the abuse of their strength, may still for a long time, for the misfortune of all nations, retard the period of their being exhausted. But I will venture to say it, the fate of all civilized nations is attached to the termination of a war, which involves the whole world. Of your majesty. BUONAPARTE. (Signed) LETTER from Lord Grenville to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Paris, dated Downing-street, January 4th, 1800. Sir; I have received, and laid before the king, the two letters which you have transmitted to me, and his majesty seeing no realong been established in Europe for transactson to depart from those forms which have ing business with foreign states, has commanded me, to return, in his name, the offi cial answer which I send you' here with enconsideration, &c. closed. I have the honour to be, with high (Signed) GRENVILLE. OFFICIAL NOTE from Lord Grenville to the Minister for Foreign Affairs at Paris, dated Downing-street, January 4th, 1800. The King has given frequent proofs of his sincere desire for the re-establishment of se cure and permanent tranquillity in Europe. He neither is, nor has been, engaged in any contest for a vain and false glory. He has had no other view than that of maintaining against all aggression the rights and happiness of his subjects. For these he has contended against an unprovoked attack, and for the same objects he is still obliged to contend; nor can he hope that this necessity could be removed by entering, at the present moment, into a negotiation with those whom a fresh revolution has so recently placed in the exercise of power in France, since no real advantage can arise from such. negotiation to the great and desirable object of general peace, until it shall distinctly appear that those causes liave ceased to operate, which originally produced the war, and by which it has since been protracted, and, in more than one instance, renewed. The same system, to the prevalence of which France justly ascribes all her present miseries, is that which has also involved the rest of Europe in a long and destructive warfare, of a nature long since unknown to the practice of civilized nations. For the extension of this system, and for the extermination of all established governments, the resources of France have, from year to year, and in the midst of the most unparalleled distress, been lavished and exhausted. To this indiscriminate spirit of de struction, the Netherlands, the United Provinces, the Swiss Cantons (his majesty's ancient friends and allies) have successively been sacrificed. Germany has been ravaged. Italy, though now rescued from its invaders, has been made the scene of unbounded rapine and anarchy. His majesty has himself been compelled to maintain an arduous and burthensome contest, for the independence and existence of his kingdoms. Nor have these calamities been confined to Europe alone: they have been extended to the most distant quarters of the world, and even to countries so remote, both in situation and interest, from the present contest, that the very existence of such a war was, perhaps, unknown to those who found themselves suddenly involved in all its horrors. While such a system continues to prevail, and while the blood and treasure of a numerous and powerful nation can be lavished in its support, experience has shown that no defence but that of open and steady hostility can be availing. The most solemn treaties have only prepared the way for fresh aggression; and it is to a determined resistance alone, that is now due whatever remains in Europe of stability for property, for personal liberty, for social order, or for the free exercise of religion. For the security, therefore, of these essential objects, his majesty cannot place his liance on the mere renewal of general professions of pacific dispositions. Such professions have been repeatedly held out by all those who have successively directed the resources of France to the destruction of Europe; and whom the present rulers have declared to have been all, from the beginning, and uniformly, incapable of maintaining the relations of amity and peace. The best and most natural pledge of its reality and permanence, would be the restoration of that line of princes which for so many centuries maintained the French nation in prosperity at home, and in consideration and respect abroad: Such an event would at once have removed, and will at any time remove, all obstacles in the way of negotiation or peace. It would confirm to France the unmolested enjoyment of its ancient territory; and it would give to all the other nations of Europe, in tranquillity and peace, that secu rity which they are now compelled to seek by other means. But, desirable as such an event must be, both to France and to the world, it is not to this mode exclusively that his majesty limits the possibility of secure and solid pacification. His majesty makes no claim to prescribe to France what shall be the form of her government, or in whose hands she shall vest the authority necessary for conducting the affairs of a great and powerful nation. His majesty looks only to the security of his own dominions, and those of his allies, and to the general safety of Europe. Whenever he shall judge that such security can in any manner be attained, as resulting either from the internal situation of that country, from whose internal situation the danger has arisen, or from such other circumstances of whatever nature as may produce the same end, his majesty will eagerly embrace the oppor tunity to concert with his allies the means of immediate and general pacification. Unhappily no such security hitherto exists: No sufficient evidence of the principles by which the new government will be directed; no reasonable ground by which to judge of its stability. In this situation it can for the re-present only remain for his majesty to pursue, in conjunction with other powers, those exer tions of just and defensive war, which his regard to the happiness of his subjects will never permit him, either to continue beyond the necessity in which they originated, or to terminate on any other grounds, than such as may best contribute to the secure enjoyment of their tranquillity, their constitution, and their independence. Greatly, indeed, will his majesty rejoice, whenever it shall appear that the danger to which his own dominions and those of his allies, have been so long exposed, has really ceased; whenever he shall be satisfied that the necessity of resistance is at an end; that after the experience of so many years of crimes and miseries, better principles have ultimately prevailed in France; and that all the gigantic projects of ambition, and all the restless schemes of destruction, which have endangered the very existence of civil society, have at length been finally relinquished: But the conviction of such a change, however agreeable to his majesty's wishes, can result only from experience, and the evidence of facts, (Signed) GRENVILLE. Lord Grenville, dated 24th Nivose (January 14th, 1800). The official note, under date of the 14th Nivose, the eighth year, addressed by the minister of his Britannic majesty, having been laid before the first consul of the French republic, he observed with surprise, that it rested upon an opinion which is not exact, respecting the origin and consequences of the present war. Very far from its being France which provoked it, she had, it must be remembered, from the commencement of her revolution, solemnly proclaimed her love of peace, her disinclination to conquests, her respect for the independence of all governments, and it is not to be doubted, that, occupied at that time, and entirely with her own internal affairs, she would have avoided taking part in those of Europe, and would have remained faithful to her declarations. But, from an opposite disposition, as soon as the French revolution had broken out, almost all Europe entered into a league for its destruction. The aggression was real, long time before it was public; internal resistance was excited, its opponents were favourably received, their extravagant declamations were supported, the French nation was insulted in the person of its agents, and England set particularly this example, by the dismissal of the minister accredited to her; finally, France was, in fact, attacked in her independence in her honour, and in her safety, long time before the war was declared. Thus it is to the projects of subjection, dissolution, and dismemberment, which were prepared against her, and the execution of which was several times attempted and parsued, that France has a right to impute the evils which she has suffered, and those which have afflicted Europe. Such projects for a long time, without example with respect to so powerful a nation, could not fail to bring on the most fatal consequences. Assailed on all sides, the republic could not but extend universally the efforts of her defence; and it is only for the maintenance of her own independence, that she has made use of those means which she possessed in her own strength, and the courage of her citizens. As long as she saw that her enemies obstinately refused to recognize her rights, she counted only upon the energy of her resistance; but as soon as they were obliged to abandon the hope of invasion, she sought for means of conciliation, and manifested pacific intentions; and if these have not always been efficacious, if, in the midst of the critical circumstances of her internal situation, which the revolution and the war have successively brought on, the former depositaries of the executive authority in France have not always shown as much moderation as the nation itself has shown courage, it must, above all, be imputed to the fatal and persevering animosity with which the resources of England have been lavished to accomplish the ruin of France. [VOL. XXXIV.] But, if the wishes of his Britannic majesty (in conformity with his assurances) are in unison with those of the French republic, for the re-establishment of peace, why, instead of attempting the apology of the war, should not attention be rather paid to the means of terminating it? And what obstacle can prevent a mutual understanding, of which the utility is reciprocal, and is felt; especially when the first consul of the French republic has personally given so many proofs of his eagerness to put an end to the calamities of war, and of his disposition to maintain the rigid observance of all treaties concluded. The first consul of the French republic would not doubt that his Britannic majesty recognized the right of nations to choose the form of their government, since it is from the exercise of this right that he holds his crown; but he has been unable to comprehend how to this fundamental principle, upon which rests the existence of political societies, the minister of his Britannic majesty could annex insinuations which tend to an interference in the internal affairs of the republic, and which are not less injurious to the French nation, and to its government, than it would be to England and to his majesty, if a sort of invi. tation were held out in favour of that republican government, of which England adopted the forms in the middle of the last century, or an exhortation to recall to the throne that family whom their birth had placed there, and whom a revolution compelled to descend from it. If, at periods not far distant, and when the constitutional system of the republic presented neither the strength nor the solidity which it contains at present, his Britannic majesty thought himself enabled to invite a negotiation and pacific conferences, how is it possible that he should not be eager to renew negotiations to which the present and reciprocal situation of affairs promises a rapid progress. On every side, the voice of nations and of humanity implores the conclusion of a war, marked already by such great calamities, and the prolongation of which threatens Europe an universal convulsion, and irremediable evils. It is, therefore, to put a stop to the course of these calamities, or in order that their terrible consequences may be reproached to those only who shall have provoked them, that the first consul of the French republic proposes to put an immediate end to hostilities, by agreeing to a suspension of arms, and naming plenipotentiaries on each side, who should repair to Dunkirk, or any other town, as advantageously situated for the quickness of the respective communications, and who should apply themselves, without any delay, to effect the re-establishment of peace and good understanding between the French republic and England. The first consul offers to give the passports which may be necessary for this purpose. (Signed) [4 H] CH. MAU. TALLETRAND. |