human race. Were he to define what ambition was, he would say it was that quality in the human mind that altered its colour as circumstances might alter, but whose nature was invariably the same, and led to good or to evil according to the temper and pursuits of the person who possessed it. The ambition in his right hon. friend, for instance, led him forward in a career of virtue-the ambition of a Jacobin was to procure and preserve power by proscription, by plunder, by confiscation, and by death; or by the utter destruction of all establishments, civil or religious; and by the erection of that hideous anarchy in which order was buried, and confusion triumphed in the ruins. Such had been, with various shades of difference, the ruling principle of all the prime actors in the French revolution from La Fayette to Buonaparté. Here Mr. Canning went over all the leading actors in the French revolution, as Mirabeau, Condorcet, Brissot, Robespierre, Carnot, Reubel, Barras, &c. giving to each appropriate epithets to describe the leading features of their character; and observed, that all their peculiar qualities were met and blended in Buonaparté. Why did he mention those things? He mentioned them, to show how very slowly the admirers of French principles could be brought to see their error-how much time it took to convince men of the hideous form of what they had originally admired as a beauty. He then passed on to the observation of Mr. Sheridan, that there was a great difference between the people of England and the people of France. He admitted there was much, but he objected to the argument, because it proved too much; for it proved that no provision should be made against the wicked if they were few: and to show what the contagion of an evil example might be, be called the attention of the House to the situation of Switzerland, where those men who were proverbial for mildness, candour, simplicity, and an attachment to that system of protection to persons and property which elevated them in the opinion of all who knew them, had been made to change, as it were, their very nature, and reduce their country to a scene of plunder, confiscation, proscription, and bloodshed. Such were the effects of listening to a system of Jacobinical reformation, which was another name for the destruction of all the establishments of the world. But his hon. friend had observed, that we had in this country a large volunteer force for the protection of our liberties. He admitted we had such a force, and he rejoiced in it; nor had he the least doubt of its effi cacy, should the season arrive for calling it into action; but he hoped the day was far off when this country would be obliged to military force for the preservation of its liberties. For the preservation of our civil liberties, the constitution was pro vided with civil arms. He knew it was a common parlance that the liberties of this country had been sealed with the blood of our ancestors. This was not true to any considerable extent; for the liberties of this country had been secured with less bloodshed than that of any other country on the face of the globe. It was not upon the plain of battle, but upon this plain, the floor of that House, that the constitution of England had triumphed And the question being put, That the said bill be now read a second time, the House divided: Debate in the Lords on the Habens Coru pus Suspension Bill.] Feb. 27. On the order of the day for the third reading of the bill, Lord King said, thats he had always been taught to look upon the Habeas Corpus act as one of the most material safeguards of the liberties of the people It was the opinion of the most celebrated writers, that it ought never to be sus pended but upon occasions: of the most imminent necessity: those occasions had been pointed out, and were, internal in surrection, or an apprehension of foreign invasion. In 1798, when the suspension was moved for, ministers had laid before the House his majesty's message, which stated the great preparations making by the enemy for the invasion of this country, and a variety of reasons as to the state of the country were then brought forward, a shadow of which did not appear to exist at present. When the act was moved to be suspended, it was upon the report of a special committee of each Housep which directly stated that an actual cond spiracy was then carrying on within the . kingdom for the purpose of overturning the government. The suspension had been continued in 1799, on account of the critical situation of Ireland; but now their lordships were desired to continue it still farther, without any reason whatever being adduced. Since the revolution, the Habeas Corpus act had only been suspended three times: on account of the assassination plot in the reign of king William; in 1715, and in 1745; the two last being periods of actual rebellion; but even then, so jealous was parliament of this great bulwark of our li berties, that they would only consent to suspend it for three months. From the present mode of proceeding, he began to fear that this was only a prelude to making the suspension perpetual. When was there a likelihood of putting an end to it? If we might believe what had been said in another place, not until Jacobinism was extinguished. He professed he did not understand what was meant by Jacobinism. It was a term of abuse indiscriminately thrown on every person who differed in sentiment from ministers. If, however, there were really 80,000 of these incorrigibles, as had somewhere been said by a certain great master of this kind of political arithmetic; and if what had been said on another occasion was true, that the principles of Jacobinism, once imbibed, were never to be eradicated, long indeed, he feared, it would be, before this great bulwark of our liberties would be restored. He condemned the great length of time which had elapsed since the imprisonment of the 29 persons now immured in different gaols, some upwards of two years, without being brought to trial. He also reprobated the sending them from prison to prison, which operated as a punishment before conviction. The Earl of Carlisle said, that no man more sincerely regarded the Habeas Corpus act than he did. He revered it as the Palladium of our liberties, the fortress of our freedom, but he did not wish to see it made use of as the strong-hold of rebellion. He, for one, was perfectly ready for a limited time, on an ascertained emergency, to part with all the advantages of this great instrument of security of person, in order to possess its full benefits when the danger should have passed away. The horrid principles which had occasioned the suspension appeared to be weakened; but were not yet extinct. He saw no danger in trusting such a Lord Holland said, that if the legislature should continue to act upon the principles which the noble earl had advanced, we should never again enjoy the blessings of liberty. The noble earl had said, that the Habeas Corpus should be again suspended because the people made no complaints of the manner in which ministers had exercised the powers entrusted to them. As long, then, as the country remained in a state of tranquillity, the same argaments might be used; and if discontents should arise, then it would be said that the constitution was in danger, and that it was necessary to allow persons to be taken up upon suspicion, that we might defeat the purposes of the seditious. At any rate, as long as the republic of France subsists, so long the Habeas Corpus act must be suspended. Was it to be borne, that a valuable privilege should be for ever withheld from the people without any reason, or for reasons completely puerile? When it was allowed on all hands that nothing but extreme necessity could justify the measure proposed, was it not incumbent to show that that necessity existed? But, supposing the country was in a very critical state, what remedy would the present act apply? The only powers it would legally vest in government would be, to retain in custody those whom they meant to try; but for whose conviction, though there could be no doubt of their guilt, sufficient evidence could not, at the moment, be obtained; or to retain those in custody, who could be easily convicted, but the evidence which would be given upon whose trials it would be highly impolitic to disclose. If ministers had only made use of these powers, and if there was a call for the measure, he should certainly vote for it; but they had acted on very different principles. Of the seven years of the war, the Habeas Corpus act had been suspended five; and of the multitudes who had been imprisoned in virtue of that suspension, few had been brought to trial, and only one convicted. Neither was that person guilty of treason against this country, or connected with any societies, or any individuals of consequence, in the kingdom. None of his machinations 14871 40 GEORGE IH. Proceedings in the Commons respecting the [1488 could ever have brought about rebellion or insurrection. What harm would have followed from his going over to the enemy with a paper which was signed by no body? Ought the constitution to be suspended for years because O'Coigley was condemned? He contended, that government had a right to retain in cus. tody only those whom they intended to try; and he would put it to the conscience of their lordships, whether more harm would have accrued from bringing to trial the twenty-nine persons now in gaol, than had accrued from suspending the Habeas Corpus act? But it was said to be merely used as a measure of precaution to protect the constitution from the evil designs of the many turbulent men who longed for its overthrow. The rational principles on which the French revolution was commenced, the plausible, though pernicious doctrines which had been professed in its later stages, and the splendid success which had attended the arms of the republic, might have dazzled many, and made some in this country long to see the visionary theories of free dom reduced to practice. But was it not likewise probable that the horrid crimes which had been committed in the name of liberty, and the final subjugation of France to a military government, had made many, incline to arbitrary power, and adopt tory and high church. principles, who were formerly animated with a batred to slavery? It was one of the great evils of the French revolution that it had brought the cause of freedom into discredit; and there could be no doubt that the ancient spirit of Britons had been nearly abandoned, since they had patient ly borne the most alarming abridgment of their privileges, and the most flagrant in fringement on their rights. If one set of causes had operated, why might not another? The prerogative had less to fear at present from the encroachments of the people, than at any former period. Much had been said of the leniency with which government had exercised its powers. He was old fashioned enough to think that the good: treatment of the subject should not be at the discretion of any individuals, but should be secured to him by law. The imprisonment even of twentynine persons was no strong mark of le niency... He should like to know whether they were kept in custody to be tried, or merely to deprive them of their freedom, and to punish them for their supposed of fences, But, granting: that the conduct of ministers had been mild and lenient, yet to keep up a notion that security was owing not to the protection of the law, but to the mercy of a few individuale must be attended with the most fata consequences. Men, in ceasing to one obligations to the constitution, úst lose all affection for it, and see without regret another erected in its stead Judge Blackstone had recommended, that we should surrender our liberties for a while in order to secure them for ever; but lie had added, that the occasion should be urgent indeed, and that even then ime should not consent to part for any length of time with the Palladium of the consti tution.i Lord Eldon* said, that the noble lord had The House divided: Contents 30: Not July 18, 1799. G Fe Proceedings in the Commons respecting | The fact was, that it was from the Baltic, the Deficiency of the last Crop of Grain] and from America, that we received in Feb. 18. The House having resolved it- ordinary the supplies of grain which the self into a Committee on the Report res-country required. Before the war, pecting the Assize of Bread, and the Deficiency of the last crop of Grain, [See p. 1403.] 51 France did not grow any considerable quantity of grain above that which she consumed; and the produce of the NeLord Hawkesbury said, that there was therlands was consumed by the inhabitants, one proposition which he wished to sub- by the United Provinces, and by the peo mit to the committee; but before he made ple in the less fertile districts upon the it, he would offer a few observations upon Rhine. The present scarcity was eerthe state of the country at the present tainly alarming; but the danger was much time. The origin of this committee was exaggerated. This might be proved by certainly to be found in governor Pow- the statement of a few circumstances. nall's bill;* but even in 1773, the pro- The consumption of grain in the country moters of that bill were of the same opi- must be estimated from the number of nion which the best informed men now the consumers, and the amount of the entertained, namely, that little relief consumption of each individual. The could be obtained in a time of scarcity by number of consumers of wheaten bread interfering with the conduct of millers, or depended much upon the abundance of subjecting them to different regulations the crop, and the consequent price of from those which now directed them. wheaten bread. On an average, one third There was but one proposition which he of the people did not consume wheaten had now to make. He thought that this bread. A great majority of the people in was a subject on which little could be Scotland, Westmorland, Cumberland, done by measures of legislation, on which the North Riding of Yorkshire, part of much more might be expected from the Lancashire, of Wales, Cornwall, and the private influence of gentlemen, by exam- northern parts of Devonshire, consumed ple in their own families, and by recom- bread made of oats, barley, and other mendation to others, than by any proceed grain. Now, as to the quantity of wheat ings of parliament. Upon the subject of consumed, a quarter of wheat in the year the present scarcity, there was one argu- for each man was the general calculation. ment which had often been used by gen- This allowance would require between tlemen on the other side of the House; eight and nine millions of quarters, to namely, that the war was the cause of the supply this country for a year. The present scarcity. Did gentlemen mean by produce of the country varied in differsuch an assertion that the state of hostili-ent years; but the average compu ties in which we were placed with some tation between very high and very low countries in Europe, prevented the im- seasons might come nearest the truth. portation of grain which otherwise might This average did not feed the country: have been imported into this country? Or for the average importation for several did they mean that the war increased the years back might be estimated at one consumption of corn in the country? twentieth of the whole consumption. The As to the supposition that the war pre- deficiency of the late crop might be esvented the importation of corn, it was a timated at one third of the usual crop, known fact, that the average importation which must be added to the one twentieth for the last seven years was as high as usually imported, in order to estimate that of any preceding period. In 1796, what importation would be necessary this the importation was greater than was ever season. It must, however, be considered, known before and amounted to nearly that there was in the country a stock in 900,000 quarters of grain. The war, hand from the preceding harvest sufficient then, could have no direct influence in to supply one month. But if we also take preventing the importation of corn. But the foreign corn in the country at the it might be said, that it operated by an in- same period, there was certainly much direct influence, that it prevented us from more than would be consumed in a month. importing corn from countries where we Considering all these circumstances, the could be supplied, because with these probable amount of the importation necountries we were in a state of hostility. cessary this season, would be about 600,000 quarters of wheat; whereas in ·1796 - the importation was more than [5 C] * See Vol. 17, p. 697♬ [VOL. XXXIV.] 800,000 quarters. The millers and others There never was on instance of a highly skilled in the subject, had recommended flourishing state, which had attained the some regulations as to the use of new period of its grandeus, producing enough bread and had computed, that by such to maintain its inhabitants. If we looked regulations there might be a saving of back to the republic of Rome, we should one fortnight of the whole consumption, find this observation confirmed. As soon It had also been stated, that millers, when as it attained power and greatness, it was the price of grain was high, and conse- obliged to have recourse to other coun quently when bread was dear, extracted tries for supplies of grain, Sicily was i from the grain a greater quantity of flour first granary, and afterwards Egypt. The aban they did at other times. This would crop then, in this country, was not suff ford a second saving. A third would arise cient for the supply of its inhabitants from the use of substitutes for bread. As and when this and the ordinary importe the price of grain, even in those countries tion failed, the best method that could be from which we could receive a supply was adopted was, the use of substitutes. It was high, it was to be feared that the high indeed difficult to introduce them. It was price of grain in this country was inevita- difficult to change old habits; but for bles but from a review of all the circum- such a purpose the attempt, ought to be stances, it might be collected, that there made. If this plan were adopted, this was no real danger of scarcity. It was country contained in itself the means of clear, that this country did not feed itself. feeding its inhabitants. At present the For several years back, the importation of method of feeding it was not the most grain had amounted annually to 400,000 economical, Great economy might be quarters. This might appear strange introduced, and every person would te when we recollected, the vast sums ex- joice, that by the efforts of individuals pended in bounties for the exportation of (and it is but respectful to mention the grain, do So late as the administration of name of count Rumford) this economy Mr. Pelham not less than 500,000, were was already reduced by many to practice stated to be paid annually in bounties on It appeared from his calculations and the exportation of grain. What had caused statements, that one third more suste the difference? Had the agriculture of the nance, might be derived from many arti country diminished No the improve- cles of provision, without abridging the ment of our agriculture had kept pace luxuries of the rich than was usually drawn during this disastrous war, as some gen- from them. The use of substitutes was tlemen had called it, with the increase of particularly to be, recommended in chariour trade, the extension of our commerce ties and in parochial relief. This would be and the augmentation of our power. The one means of introducing them and inclosure of waste lands had certainly though, their general introduction might been one principal means of improving not be effected at once, yet it must be rethe agriculture of the country. Now, du- collected that this was not the first year of ring, seven years of the most prosperous scarcity that we had felt that it would peace that this country ever enjoyed, the not be the last: that within these five number of inclosure bills which passed the years it was the second time that a scar House amounted to 227 Whereas, du- city had occurred. Thus it appeared, ing the last seven years of war, the, num- that though inclosures had been going on ber had been 479. Let us also attend to rapidly, and agriculture had been improv the improvement which had taken place ing, the increase of population had out rin in husbandry. This could not be doubted them. The noble lord then moved, if That to have taken place in many districts, leave be given to bring in a bill to prohiparticularly in the low lands of Scotland, bit any person or persons from selling, tor and in the border counties. If, then, the offering for sale, any bread which has not agriculture of the country had kept pace been baked for a certain number ofhours" in improvement with its trade and com-Mr. Hobhouse was glad that this submerce, why had such a change taken place in the adequacy of the produce of the country to the support of its inhabitants? It must be imputed solely to the immense increase of population, and to the increased consumption of the individual inhabitants, a consequence of their increased wealth. |