peared thento be of a different opinion; but now I think I may fairly venture, to say that excepting himself, and a few of his friends, there is no one who does not sincerely regret that this proposition has been started in the Irish parliament. But however they may lament it, the right hon. gentleman seems determined to follow up the pledge which he gave of persevering in his design, a pledge in which also he seems desirous to involve his friends; for he roundly tells them, that the measure he has now embarked in, is one that shall form the favourite object of his political life; a measure which no diminution of credit, no loss of popularity, no dereliction of friends and adherents, no clamour, tumult, or opposition from whatever quarter shall induce him to abandon; so essential does he deem it to the security and the happiness of the two countries. To counteract his pride and presumption, I feel it my duty to implore the House, not to risk that pledge which the right hon. gentleman so confidently calls for, either now or on any future day. It becomes the wisdom of parliament to interpose between the rashness of the right hon. gentleman and the adoption of a system which it would endeavour to enforce; a system which goes to promote discord and resentment, where union and affection should be conciliated and confirmed; a system which aims at sowing dissention between the Commons and the Irish House of Peers; a system which traduces the character of the Irish parliament, as incapable to retrieve the country from the calamities under which it labours, and so weak as to be continually the dupe and sport of every English faction; a system, in a word, which is now endeavouring to array the British House of Commons against that of the sister kingdom. I have minutely attended to the right hon. gentleman's speech, and during the greater part of it I was inclined to suppose, either that a stranger had got into the House, or that the right hon. gentleman must have imagined himself in the Irish House of Commons and warmly engaged in a reply to Mr. Foster. Whether he had or had not the best of the argument, I will not stop to examine; but this I am safe in affirming, that the whole of this argument is nothing to the purpose; its great object seemed to be, to convict Mr. Foster of inconsistency on account of the line of conduct adopted by that gentleman in 1785. Mr. Foster indeed agreed, that the propositions then made might be necessary to prevent the commercial jealousies that sub ted between the two countries, from dangering a separation of that connexion which should indisso lubly link them together. The right hon. gentleman himself was at the same time of the same opinion, and declared that he should look upon himself as a useless minister if he did not succeed in bringing it to bear. What is to be collected from this, but that both Mr. Foster and the right hon. gentleman sustained foolish opinions? for it turned out, that although the pro positions did fail, the failure was not the means of introducing jealousies and suspicions between the two countries, nor of producing the resignation of the right hon. gentleman. If indeed he can show that the failure of the propositions has produced all those disasters which have since happened, all those scenes of distraction and rebellion which Ireland has since witnessed, then I admit the argument will be against Mr. Foster, but has he shown that to have been the case? Notwithstanding, however, all the right hon. gentleman's alarms lest these commercial jealousies should interrupt this connexion which he felt to be so essential, the question he is now so obstinately bent upon, has ever since been permitted to sleep. Mr. Foster, on that occasion, never touched on the subject of legislative independence; but he now contends that this independence is necessary to the commercial prosperity of Ireland. There is therefore no inconsistency in his present strain of argument, and consequently the whole of the objections urged against it by the right hon. gentleman must fall to the ground. But though the right hon. gentleman may not have succeeded in fixing the charge of inconsistency on Mr. Foster, the tendency of his speech has fully developed the system of corruption and intimidation by which the measure is to be carried. He says that the commercial advantages derived by Ireland from her connexion with this country, are necessary to her existence; and since, in the same breath, he adds, that to have those advantages continued to her, union is indispensable, the inference obviously is, that she must abandon all her commercial advantages, if she rejects the proffered alliance with Great Britain. Hence I contend that the people of Ireland cannot come with unbiassed minds to this discussion, and that a free choice is not left to and the independent discretion of the the parliament of that country. He tells us that Ireland ought to consent to a union, because she is incapable of defending herself against her internal and exter-sals from office in that kingdom proofs of nal enemies without the assistance of her his settled purpose to leave it to that parpowerful neighbour-[Hear, hear!]- liament to adopt or reject the measure? Mr. Sheridan insisted that the inference It is truly a mockery to tell the parlia was irresistible-that unless she consented ment this: parliament must see that what to a union, Ireland was to be deprived of has been done in the case of individuals all her commercial advantages. Is this may be acted over again in the instance generous? is it fit to hold out such lan of the legislature; and that the same guage to Ireland? is it wise to press power which effected the dismissal of sir the discussion at this moment, and force John Parnell, may be successfully emall Ireland loudly to ask, "Why have not ployed to dissolve the parliament. Will we had those advantages yielded to us, on gentlemen only reflect for a moment on the which, according to the opinion of the tendency of such proceedings? If in the British minister, our prosperity depends? parliament of the sister kingdom those We must owe it to the injurious policy measures are to be adopted, the same and of Great Britian, exercised in various acts a worse tyranny may be acted in our own. of restraint and privation these three hun- Sir, I am afraid the political creed of the dred years past, that we have been de- adherents of the minister in Ireland has prived of those advantages which God been adopted by his supporters in the and nature so eminently adapts our counBritish senate. I do sincerely believe, try to afford us." But, Sir, let his that if any one person who now supports majesty's ministers grant to Ireland those ministers were to vote with me this night, advantages of which they boast: they he would be dismissed to-morrow from all may be conceded to her without union; his places. We are to reflect on these they can be improved by her without ab- things, Sir, while we carry along our jectly surrendering her independence. minds to that part of the right hon. genThus much with regard to her means of tleman's speech, where he peremptorily acquiring distinction as a commercial na- says, "I do think the measure good for tion. And as to her power of defending Ireland and good for this country, but time herself, does not the right hon. gentleman shall be given to the people to examine it, know that her volunteers have defended time shall be given for their heats to subIreland? And what they were equal to side, time shall be given to the parliament during the American war, when the enemy of the two countries fully and deliberately rode triumphant on their coasts, and in to discuss it." Now, Sir, what do these our channel, surely they are at present fine limbs of a sentence collectively as capable of achieving in the zenith of mean? Why, that time is to be given our envied naval superiority. It is a most for the operation of corruption, time to cruel taunt uttered in the face of the intimidate the people of Ireland, time for whole people of Ireland, to say, that while the peremptory dismissal of the opposers we have 40,000 British troops in the of the measures, time for the dissolution heart of their country, we will awe them of parliament. Nor was it the right hon. by the presence of such a force; to re- gentleman alone who attempted to justify proach them with weakness, notwithstand- these measures. I have heard them also ing that we have had 200,000 of her best justified by an hon. friend (Mr. Canning); inhabitants to support us inthe present war, and never did I hear any thing with more while 100,000 fighting men of their na- poignant regret; for what sensation but tion have fallen in our battles in the West that of sorrow and regret could arise in Indies and elsewhere. What is this but my mind, when I heard that hon. friend to say, "It is true you have assisted us; plead the cause of bold and barefaced corbut you are now naked; you are igno- ruption, and thus cloud and contaminate rant; you are uncivilized; you are weak; with its foul fog and baneful breath the and if you do not accept from us the be- pure and early morning of his political nefits we offer you, we will proceed to life? Would he now tell us that the right confer them upon you by force. Let us hon. gentleman had given a determined consider what the right hon. gentleman pledge, and could not recede? Why did says, when he tells us he will leave it to he? Who called upon him to speak? the unbiassed judgment of the Irish people Was it to encourage his friends in Ireland by a display of his resolution? But that was unavailing, as the discussion and decision took place there before that encouragement could reach them; but as to the charge of urging intimidation, neither the right hon. gentleman nor his hon. friend, who answered me on a former occasion, had thought proper to say a word. His hon. friend (Mr. Canning), from his parliamentary standing, could not, indeed, have taken any part in the violation of the compact in 1782; and therefore his right hon. friend, stepped generously forward and claimed all the shame, guilt, and treachery of it to himself. Like another Nisus he threw his broad shield over his beloved Euryalus to protect him from the vengeful resentment of the Irish nation, calling out to them-" Me, me, I, am the man, wreak all your vengeance upon me- "Me, me, adsum qui feci; in me convertite ferrum, 0 Rutuli; mea fraus omnis; nihil iste, nec ausus, Nec potuit My hon. friend's abilities might, however, prove that potuit; and as to his courage, he was satisfied the House had no reason to call in question. The generous ardour of the right hon. gentleman to protect his hon friend, was therefore only the impulse of affection." Tantum infelicem nimium dilexit amicum." But the right hon. gentleman again repeats, that a union is the only remedy that can heal the evils that afflict Ireland, or that can secure the salvation of both countries: he must, therefore, persist in it, and call on parliament to assist him in the execution of the measure: he is willing, however, to wait for a more favourable opportunity, and until the Irish parliament is convinced of its necessity. And what is that opportunity he pretends to wait for? Is it not the day and hour when Ireland shall be in a greater degree of weakness? Does he wait until he can reproach her with her inability to defend herself, and threaten her with withdrawing those commercial favours she receives from England, and from which, he contends, are derived all the sources from which her prosperity arises? Alas! it is but too much in his power to create that moment! Mr. Sheridan then reminded the House of the shameful manner in which lord Fitzwilliam was recalled from Ireland at a moment when he was supposed to have been sent over to grant to the Roman Catholics the rights and privileges which they claimed. The cup of concession was just presented to their lips, but instead of permitting them to taste of it, it was dashed in thei faces. Was this the proof of a sincere desire to reconcile the Catholic body? We all agree, as to the necessity of a connexion between the two countries, and that nothing could be more fatal to either than that Ireland should be possessed by the French. Should we not then seriously consider how far the enforcing of this measure may tend to favour the invasion of Ireland? Mr. Sheridan then proceeded to vindicate Mr. Fox from the accusation of not having followed up the resolution of 1782. Mr. Fox remained but two months after in office, and therefore could give it no effect, but did the right hon. gentleman himself, when he came afterwards into power, attempt to bring forward the objections which he had this night so triumphantly urged? Had he not now been fifteen years a minister without ever endeavouring to do that which, from the first, he deemed to be indispensably necessary? He has also affirmed, that an equal proportion of the Irish House of Commons, a large majority of the Irish Peers, and an equally large proportion of the people out of doors, were friendly to the measure of a union; but if he would look of what that division against it in the Commons was composed, he would discover that it contained almost all the country gentlemen; while those who composed the other side of the question would be almost all found to be under the influence of the crown. Now as to the large proportion of the people out of doors, who are said to be favourable to it, where were they to be found. He knew of no places but Cork and Limerick that had expressed any thing like approbation of it. But was there not a lure thrown out to the former, that they should have a dock yard built? and, on the other hand, was not the linen trade menaced with being deprived of some of the means that tended to encourage it? Thus, to gain his ends, he held out a bribe to the South, and threw out a threat against the North. Some inducements are also held out to the Roman Catholics; a diminution of tithes, and an establishment for their clergy. But what prevents these promises from being now realised? If it be right to do it, ought it not to be done whether a union takes place or not, and ought not parliament to have not for their basis the manifest, fair, and free consent and approbation of the parliaments of the two countries. 2. That whoever shall endeavour to obtain the ap in either country, by employing the influ ence of government, for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, is an enemy to his majesty and to the constitution." be enabled, instead of holding out bribes and barter, to win by these concessions the affections and confidence of the Irish people? Another argument strongly urged in favour of the union, is the pros-pearance of such consent and approbation perity which Scotland is said to have enjoyed since it has been united with EngJand. But might not Scotland have attained this increase of wealth and prosperity merely by the dint of her own in- Lord Hawkesbury said, there were sedustry? Besides, Scotland cannot well veral parts of the hon. gentleman's speech be compared with Ireland. In Scotland which had made such an impression on his the gentlemen of property are fond to re- mind, that he could not but request the side, and to encourage trade, &c.; in Ire- patience of the House while he made a few land it is the reverse. It is also said, observations upon them. He well rememthat two independent legislatures may bered the conduct of the hon. gentleman, seldom agree; and that from this want of who now deprecated all discussion as likely concurrence and co-operation the most to produce the most mischievous effects serious calamities may arise: as well say upon the sister kingdom, upon a former that two independent Houses of parlia- occasion. He could not forget his conment may not co-operate; because the duct last session upon the question of Ire Lords, for example, may throw out a mo- land. He then had no such tenderness ney bill sent from the Commons, or the for the independency of the Irish legis Commons may refuse to concur in the lature as he now so earnestly professed. amendments made by the Lords. The There was then none of that delicacy of whole of these objections are completely trenching upon the independent province refuted by experience; and to insist upon of the Irish parliament, which now formed such objections, would be a libel on the so leading an argument. But, perhaps, constitution. French principles and Ja- there was something different in the situa cobinism were, as usual, introduced in the tion of the country, at this time, to what debate, and made the subject of splendid it then was. True, it was so. At that invective. But what was Jacobinism. time there existed a most atrocious rebelWas it not Jacobinism that pretended to lion, which now, if not totally subdued, make other states more free, independent, was at least quelled in great part. There and prosperous, than it found them? was also a difference in the effect of the Was it not Jacobinism that called on other propositions. An inquiry was last year countries to resign their freedom, their called for, of which no one could see the independence, and their constitutions, end; and if the House had consented to with a promise to substitute something go into it, they had no means of carrying better in their place? If so, was not the the result of it into effect. But now, when right hon. gentleman, in proposing the peace was restored, and tranquillity af present measure, acting the part of an forded a fit opportunity for discussion, the arch-Jacobin? It is not my intention to hon. gentleman thought the matter so oppose going into a committee, but I very delicate, that he refused his assent shall certainly object to your leaving the to all consideration of the measure this chair, for the purpose of moving two reso- day brought forward, in compliance with lutions, which I shall, in case the proposi- the recommendation contained in his ma tions should be carried, wish to have jesty's message. The hon. gentleman had placed before them, for the purpose of argued, that the measure was intended to taking off, in some degree, that jealousy be carried by intimidation; but if he had which the Irish parliament, I am afraid, attended to the speech of his right hon. will be apt to entertain of their passing friend, he could not have used such an ar this House, after the measure of union gument. In the very opening of it he had having been been so decidedly rejected stated, that he hoped a full and dis in the House of Commons of Ireland. passionate investigation would hereafter Mr. Sheridan then read the following Re-induce the people of Ireland to adopt it, solutions: "1. That no measures can have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connexion now existing between Great Britain and Ireland, which from a conviction of the benefits attached to it. He had most positively denied all wish or desire to carry the measure by force; it was only upon consideration and conviction he hoped to see it adopted. I the hon. gentleman in deprecating the The hon. gentleman had also assumed, system by which Ireland had heretofore that the people of Ireland were averse to been governed. If we looked at the histhe measure. Dublin, his lordship ad- tory of that country, we should find that mitted, had shown symptoms of hostility no attempt had been made to ameliorate to it; but, on the other hand, Cork had the condition of it, until the government shown itself favourable. Limerick had of the undertakers were abolished, before also evinced itself friendly to the measure. which time a great part of Ireland was In a question so important, there must in- literally in a state of degradation and civil evitably arise much opposition from pre- bondage; all the advantages of Ireland judice, partiality, and interest; nor was were to be dated from that hour. With it until after repeated discussion, and dis- respect to the final settlement of 1782, it passionate investigation, that it could ex- was impossible not to see that that meapect to meet with a general approbation. sure furnished a strong argument in favour Such was what was now desired, and the of the present one. It was impossible not present mode was calculated to produce to see that that measure was not, nor that effect. It was desirous that the Irish could not be, the final adjustment between nation, when they opened their eyes, the two countries. He had always consimight see the advantages resulting from dered it as an unwise and imperfect meathe proposition.-The hon. gentleman had sure, because it struck him, that either it stated, that there had been attempts to went too far, or not far enough. It did carry the measure by flagrant corruption; not stop the wounds of the country, and and he founded his assertion upon the dis- accordingly not long afterwards an act of missal or resignation of certain gentle- renunciation was called for, during lord men from their offices. If certain gentle- Northington's administration of the gomen had quitted their offices, because vernment of Ireland, and the right of they did not agree with administration, hearing Irish appeals was abandoned in was it therefore to be imputed to govern- express terms.-The hon. gentleman next ment that they determined to carry the came to the consideration of the commermeasure by corruption or intimidation? cial prosperity of Ireland. Of this the Was it not usual for gentlemen to leave hon. gentleman attributed the cause to official situations when they found they the declaration of independence. He was could not give their assent to the measures not a member of the House at the time of administration? Was it any disgrace of the commercial propositions; but he to them to do so? No man thought it was present in the gallery at the time, other than acting an honourable part. and heard the discussion; and he recol The argument came also with particular lected that, upon that occasion, his right ill grace from the hon. gentleman, who, hon. friend manfully and willingly gave in the case of earl Fitzwilliam, had pro- to Ireland a large and liberal portion of all tested against his recall, because he had the commercial advantages enjoyed in this =removed from the administration those country. The general argument against persons who had not his confidence. them at first was, that it was giving away Would you, said he, recall a lord lieute- the commerce of this country; and it was nant because he acted in the fair exercise not till afterwards that they were attacked of his discretion, by removing those in on the ground of touching upon the indewhom he could not repose confidence? pendence of Ireland, and, on the discusHow could a minister show himself in sion of the 4th Resolution, were opposed earnest in his recommendation of any by the hon. gentleman, or at least by those great political measure, if he was indif- who acted with him, on the ground of ferent as to the opinions of his friends, their being highly injurious to the manuand said, "I care not how you vote on facturing and commercial interests of this the question, though I think it of the last country. Petitions were likewise sent importance?" No; a minister must en- from every manufacturing town in the sure the support of those who acted with kingdom to the same effect. But, thank him, and not trust a matter of such na- Heaven! that narrow-minded policy was tional magnitude to the chance of losing now abandoned. The next point which it. It would not be possible for govern- struck upon the attention was, the quesment to go on, unless the members who tion of the regency. There was one point composed the administration agreed in upon which they all agreed, the necessity their plan of operations. He agreed with of a unity in the executive government to |