rope: he is now at the head of a large army in Egypt, where he has been many months without experiencing any very material check. Should he come back again to France, and turn his mind against this country, I hope we should be able to meet him; but it would be a very serious thing. Then look at the West Indies. And here the first thing that presents itself is the evacuation of St. Domingo, which is an alarming event. Within a few hours sail of our West India colonies, there is a force of no less than 50,000 blacks, disciplined and trained to arms, and inflamed with enthusiastic notions, concerning liberty. We have been concerned for six years in what is called the common cause, for no determinate object that I ever could see. It is time for us to have some separate care of ourselves, by which I do not mean any pusillanimous or dastardly desertion of the contest; but that whenever France shall, by force of arms, or otherwise, become moderate and rational in her public views, we may be in a situation to meet her on the scale of prudence and discretion. Let England pursue the same conduct as she did last year, and she may perhaps, bring about tranquillity; but if we go on with loose and indefinite notions of the deliverance of Europe, such will be the certain charge of it, that the effect will be a load which no resources we have, or can have, will enable us to bear.-The hon. gentleman concluded with moving, "That it is the duty of his majesty's ministers to advise his majesty, in the present crisis, against entering into engagements which may prevent or impede a negotiation for peace, whenever a disposition shall be shown, on the part of the French republic, to treat on terms consistent with the security and interests of the British empire." Mr. Canning rose and said:-If I might judge, Sir, of the impression made by the hon. gentleman's speech from the manner in which it has been received, and particularly from the unusual degree of apathy and languor which has prevailed on that side of the House on which he sits; I should be led to believe, that the ardour manifested on this side of the House by my noble and hon. friends who rose at the same time with me, was, perhaps, more than the occasion required:-and I assure you, Sir, I should not have pressed myself upon your attention, if I had thought the occasion one which de[VOL. XXXIV.] manded abilities like theirs ;-if I had not felt, that what arguments I have to state in opposition to the hon. gentleman's motion, are so clear and plain in themselves, as to require little aid from any talents in the person who states them. The motion of the hon. gentleman cannot be denied to be of an extraordinary nature; and he has certainly treated it in a very extraordinary manner. I conceive it to be consonant as well to the rules of the House, as the reason of the thing, that the House should not be urged to the adoption of a new and unusual measure, without its being, in the first place, established, that there exists some necessity for adopting it, or that some advantage may be gained by doing so. I did expect, therefore, from the hon. gentleman, rather some solid reasons for the measure which he has proposed, than an anticipation of the objections which he thought might be urged against it. He has contented himself, however, with endeavouring to destroy the validity of several arguments which he has heard out of doors, and which he expects to hear to-night against the motion that he has made; but he has omitted, what seemed to me to be more peculiarly incumbent upon him, an explanation of the motives which induced him to make it. I admit that the hon. gentleman has been not unsuccessful in anticipating several of the most obvious and prominent objections against his motion; I cannot think that he has been equally fortunate in removing them. I shall certainly have occasion, in the course of what I have to say, to restate many or most of those which he has anticipated, and not without the hope of establishing them to the conviction of the House. I shall follow him through these objections, as nearly as I can in the same order in which he has brought them forward. The first objection which he expects to hear, but upon which I am certainly not inclined to lay the greatest stress, is the point of constitutional form. It is by no means my intention to contend, that the nature of the hon. gentleman's motion, though extraordinary, is wholly unprece-dented,-much less to deny the power and the right of the House of Commons, to offer its advice to his majesty, on any subject, either of negotiation, or of war. I know they have at several times interfered in both. It is, indeed, somewhat singular, that the hon. gentleman should not himself have cited any of the former [D] would not of themselves be sufficient to instances of such an exereise of the right of parliament. Perhaps he has some recollection, that a peculiar sort of fatality has, in almost every instance, seemed to attend interferences of this nature; that in almost every instance, from the Revolution to our own time, they have been either nugatory or mischievous. I will mention two only, out of the few that have occurred during this period: the first, that which was nearest, in point of time, to the Revolution; the other,--that which is nearest to our own time; the first, an interference tending to prolong a war; the other, intended to accelerate a peace. The first, the warlike measure, was the famous vote of the House of Lords in 1707, "That no peace could be safe or honourable which should leave Spain and the Spanish West Indies in the possession of the house of Bourbon." It is hardly necessary to remind gentlemen, that this vote, carried by the heat and violence of party, had no effect whatever; that no manner of regard was paid to it, in the peace which was afterwards negotiated: And, whatever might be the faults of that peace, or however loud the cry against the ministers who made it, I do not think that any man, who looks fairly and im--but utterly forgot that the allies who partially at that peace now, will say, that it was any very great crime in those ministers, that they did omit to carry this vote into execution. The second example to which I refer, is, the resolution voted by the House of Commons, respecting the "Independence of America." "Of a transaction so recent it is hardly possible to speak with the freedom of history. I speak, probably, in the presence of many who took part in favour of that revolution, -of some certainly, who opposed it. Who were right, or who were wrong, I do not presume to determine. But in one thing, I believe, those who opposed and those who promoted it will equally concur, that the vote which carried that resolution was an unfortunate vote; and that it had an influence fatal to the interest of this country, on the peace which concluded the American war. This is a proposition which those who had to make that peace must, I am sure, contend to be true; and which those who condemned that peace would find it difficult to deny. But whatever might be the force of precedents, they would not of themselves,even if their bearing was as much in favour of motions of this kind, as unfortunately it has been against them,-they created this embarrassment were the allies of France and not of Great Britain ;-and that, under this mistake, he was bringing forward the restriction in the wrong place, and applying to this country, a cure for the misconduct of the enemy. But I am prevented from admitting even this foundation for his proceeding, by the approbation which the hon. gentleman has expressed of the manifesto published by this government after the breaking off of the negotiations at Lisle. The hon. gentle man distinctly and fairly acknowledges that manifesto to have exhibited undoubted proofs of the pacific dispositions of his majesty's ministers. By And here give me leave to observe rather a singular argument, which grows out of the hon. gentleman's peculiar conduct and situation. He tells you that he brings forward this motion as an "unconnected and unsupported individual," acting with no party or set of men whatever. agreeing to the motion, therefore, the advantage which we are to gain is his individual co-operation. It is hardly to be supposed that he will be more convinced of the pacific disposition of ministers after this resolution shall have been adopted, than he was after the publication of the manifesto, which he has so warmly com- | school,-that we are to consider not so mended. What was the first step that he much what is good for our country, as took by way of co-operation after that ma- what is good for the human race; that we nifesto was published? He voted against are all children of one large family;-and the supply. Convinced, that his majesty I know not what other fancies and philanhad done all in his power to obtain peace; thropies, which I must take shame to my-that he had gone almost beyond what self for not being able to comprehend. I, could have been expected of him, in for- for my part, still conceive it to be the pabearance and moderation ;-that he had ramount duty of a British member of parshown even after the victory of lord Dun-liament to consider what is good for Great can, the most decided disposition to make Britain: and where no immediate advanpeace, upon fair and reasonable terms;tage is pointed out as obviously arising convinced, that the abrupt conclusion of from any new measure that is proposed the negotiation at Lisle had been the act for our adoption,-I hold it no bad test of the enemy exclusively;-that the con- to examine in what way it bears upon the tinuance of the calamities of war was to interests of France, and to conclude, howbe attributed to the arrogance, and wick-ever unphilosophically, or illiberally, that edness, and pride, of the enemy alone; what is good for the enemy, cannot be very that his majesty had no choice;-that he good for us. must of necessity continue to carry on a Now, Sir, I beg to have it understood, war which the mad ambition of that ene--and I assure the hon. gentleman, that I my would not allow him to terminate ;- am very far from meaning any thing perin this conviction, to enable his majesty sonally disrespectful to him;-that I give to carry on the war, the hon. gentleman him full credit for feeling, as strongly as "unconnected and unsupported," indivi- any man, every thing that he owes to his dually, voted against the supply. I do not country, for being as ready as any man to mean to impeach the hon. gentleman's devote his talents and exertions to her conduct in this instance. He had no service. I appeal, therefore, not to his doubt his reasons for it. But I do mean feelings, but to his judgment and ingeto put it to the judgment of the House, nuity, when I desire him to consider, whether, if it should be evident (as I trust whether he could possibly devise any it will be) that no solid and general ad- measure (capable, at the present moment, vantage is to be derived to the country of being patiently entertained by this from our agreeing to the hon. gentleman's House or by the public) which should resolution, there is much temptation have a more direct and manifest tendency held out to us to do so, by the prospect to benefit France, than the motion which of his future individual co-operation; whe- he has now brought forward? ther it is worth while to adopt an unusual, could any man-any member of this unnecessary, and much more a mischievous House (if it were possible to suppose measure to evince our desire for peace, that there should be such a member in in order to secure the hon. gentleman's this House), most perversely devoted to vote against the supply for carrying on the the views of the enemy, and bent upon war. This, however, would certainly be exalting France at the expense of Great a very inferior consideration, if there were Britain,-what more effectual measure any utility or advantage to be derived could such a man take for such a purpose, from the measure proposed. I have not than by a motion like the present? heard the hon. gentleman state any ad- what is it that the French Directory apvantage as likely to arise from it to the pear, by all their conduct, by all their country. As he has affirmed nothing of publications, to dread and deprecate more this kind, I have nothing of the kind to than any other thing in the world? What deny. But there is one way of consider- is it that all their official and unofficial ing what is advantageous to this country, papers most labour to discredit? What to which I confess I am very partial; and the rather, perhaps, because it does not fall in with the new and fashionable philosophy of the day. I know it is a doctrine of that large and liberal system of ethics which has of late been introduced into the world, and which has superseded all the narrow prejudices of the ancient What For but the revival of a great and general confederacy in Europe, of which England should be the animating soul? Why should we co-operate with the French Directory? What interest can we have in common with them, that should induce us to take their work out of their hands and complete it for them? What advan tage can it be to us to daunt and dispirit | I cannot help asking, whether the present Europe; and to relieve the Directory from government of France be indeed one, the apprehension of any powerful resist- which has deserved so well of this counance, or the necessity of any extensive try,-which, to take the question more preparation; to maintain their influence candidly, has deserved so well of France, abroad, and their authority at home? -which, in the still more large and libeI will put the question in another way. ral cant of the day, has deserved so well I will suppose that we were now in the of humanity-as that we should feel ourlast year of the monarchy of France, in- selves called upon to take so extraordinary stead of the sixth or seventh year, or a step in its behalf? And I would farther whatever it may be, of the French repub- ask, whether,-whatever be the present lic, one and indivisible. By the monarchy degree of weakness or stability in the goI mean, of course, that cruel, wicked, vernment of France (upon which I give profligate, abominable despotism, of which no opinion)-whether the effect of this we have heard so many, and, no doubt, | motion must not be to prop its power, so just complaints, which oppressed and to come to the aid of its unpopularity; France with I know not what unheard-of whether, with this vote of security in one cruelties, which insulted England, and hand, the Directory might not boldly hold desolated Europe, by crimes and calamities out the Gazette of lord Nelson's victory such as can never be imputed to the French in the other, and call upon the people of Republic. I will suppose that this monarchy France to balance what had been lost with had received so formidable a blow as has what had been gained? been given to the Directory by the vic- But admitting, for the argument's sake, tory of the Nile;-that its fleets had been the object of the hon. gentleman's motion to disgraced and defeated, in different expedi- be advantageous to this country; it would tions against the British empire that its remain to be seen how far that object is fairest provinces were in revolt ;-that its clearly expressed or understood, and subjects were universally discontented; how far the means which he suggests are that its commerce was extinguished;-its calculated for attaining it. The hon. revenue destroyed;-and its finances, gentleman takes credit to himself for not by the confessions of its ablest financiers, limiting or defining, in any degree, the in a state of utter and irrecoverable ruin nature or terms of the peace which it is and bankruptcy;-that against the mo- the duty of his majesty's ministers to connarchy, thus situated, a general spirit was clude. If he had not mentioned this rising in Europe:-I will suppose that omission as a point on which he takes under these circumstances, the ministers credit to himself, it is that which I should of this country had come down to this have been tempted to select for peculiar House, and suggested the propriety of disapprobation. It seems to me at least a such a measure of abjuration and self-de- new and unusual course of policy, instead nial as is now under consideration of defining the end, to contract the means and I will ask,—what would have been of action. It would have seemed more the clamour raised on the other side of natural and more fair, to say beforehand, the House?-how pointedly would the "Such or such is the peace with which question have been put to ministers, the country would be contented, and which ، What are you doing? Why do you in- would be consistent with its security and terfere to arrest the downfall of this de- interests; but the mode of arriving at that testable tyranny ? Look on only-do peace, is what must be left for his majesnothing-and it will fall of itself. What ty's ministers to devise,"-this surely business is it of yours to rescue from de- would be fairer than to say, in the lanstruction a power, so inordinate in its am-guage of the present motion, "I will not bition, and so hostile to the happiness of Europe." Such would have been the language that we should have heard, if the monarchy of France had been the object of forbearance, and if ministers had been the persons to advise us to forbear. I will not press similar interrogations in such a way as to impute to any gentleman improper and unjustifiable partialities:-but | tell you what peace you ought to make; -but I will take from you one great instrument for making any peace at all." By this motion what advice do you give to ministers, or what control do you impose on them? Your advice is certainly not worth much,-when you only tell them how they shall not proceed; but say nothing of how they shall proceed, or whither they shall go.. Your control [42 cannot be very effectual, since it is they, the general reasoning of the hon. gentleit seems, after all, who are to remain the man with respect to separate war,—with judges of what is "consistent with the se. what is reported to have been said upon curity and interests" of Great Britain. the same topic in another place by a noble These interests and this security must ne- statesman of great consideration and cecessarily be considered with relation to lebrity-a statesman, who to a life of pothe different circumstances of the enemy litical activity has had the advantage of and of Europe. What might be a secure adding an age of retirement and reflection. peace for Great Britain with France re- This great authority (I understand) reduced in power, and Europe at liberty, commended, as the only sort of war that would no doubt be highly unsafe against suited the circumstances of this country,France in her present state of force and a tight, snug, little, domestic war; in aggrandizement, with great part of Europe which our exertions should be confined at at her feet, and the resources of other na- home; in which we should not stretch an tions at her disposal. It is equally clear, arm beyond the circumference of our own that it would be more difficult for us, sin- dominions, but should sit down with our gle and unassisted, to extort from France navy collected about us, and turn round such terms as would be consistent with upon our own axis, without reference to our interests, than to obtain the same the rest of the world. The main advanterms, if backed by a powerful confederacy tage stated as likely to result from this in Europe. The declaration conveyed to system was, that our sailors would spend France by this motion, that we are deter- their wages at home: -the noble statesman mined, at all events, to treat singly, would ought to have added, to heighten the naturally inflame her pride, and increase glowing picture, that they would spend her demands. The declaration that we them in exciseable commodities. This sysmake no common cause with other nations, tem of separate war was evidently calcuwould necessarily place those nations at lated to lead ultimately to separate peace: her mercy, or on her side. The effect of as, indeed, its illustrious promulgator the motion must therefore be to diminish avowed. I imagined that the hon. genalike the probable advantages of the tleman, in adopting the premises of the peace to be obtained, and our power of noble statesman, must be prepared likeobtaining it. It prescribes a more diffi- wise to adopt his conclusion. I shoul cult end to be accomplished, with less certainly disapprove of both-because £ efficacious means. At the same time, it cannot but apprehend that a war so very does not tend to hasten the conclusion of like peace would lead to a peace that even such a peace, as with such means would be very like war-that a contest might possibly be obtained; for it leaves (if contest it might be called) in which ministers at liberty to conclude no peace, we should be afraid to employ our forces, which they do not think "consistent with would lead to a pacification at which we the security and interests" of the country: should be afraid to disband them. And -and if they should choose to think, this opinion I venture to entertain, in op(which they very probably and very lau- position to such high authority; because dably might), that no peace would de-I think I have on my side the eternal and serve this character, which should not immutable truth,-that the objects of huprovide for the safety of Europe;-man desire are attainable only by human what assurance does this motion give exertion;-that never yet did inaction you against a hopeless prolongation of beget repose, or a want of energy and spithe war? rit secure permanent and unmolested tranquillity. Sir, the hon. gentleman's purpose; if I at all comprehend it, required that he The system of separation, however, is should have made the latter part of his defended upon another ground. It is motion as distinct as the beginning. If conceded with great candour, that the he had done so,-if he had fairly stated conduct of France is very bad; but it is the idea which he has in his own mind, at the same time contended, that the other I apprehend that, instead of the circumlo- powers of Europe are very bad too; and cution, of a peace "consistent with secu- that the less we have to do with either of rity and interests," &c. we should have them, the better. I must take leave, Sir, heard of a separate peace. I confess, this in the first place, to observe upon the afwas what I was prepared to expect. Ifectation, which has grown up among those expected it the rather, from comparing who argue against the war, of pairing-off |