fully convinced," said the Manchester Mr. Grattan. A commercial system so Petition, "that no system but what pre-settled would certainly imply an equality scribes a participation of burthens as well of commerce purchased by an inequality as of advantages can be fair, equitable, or of constitution. Similarity of law in the permanent; and, therefore, that a com-two countries can only be secured, either plete union is the best means of establishing harmony and good will between the two nations." The general chamber of British manufacturers, published on the 18th Mar 1785, some objections to the amended Irish resolutions: when, after stating the expediency of " becoming one people under one parliament," they added, that, "a real union with Ireland, under one legislature, would take away every difficulty." These suggestions were the result of plain sense, and strongly ap. plicable to the questions then under discussion. I think them equally applicable to the actual predicament of the two coun tries. by virtual union, in which the legislature Such, my lords, were the impressions and reasonings which determined me to call for the accounts now under our view. And having fully considered them, I venIt became a general opinion that uni- ture to assert, that the commercial inteformity of law must accompany the com- rests exhibited and proved in these papers munication of permanent advantages; and will have more effect, than any other conthose who had introduced the commercial sideration, in finally accomplishing the propositions, admitted the doctrine, with union of the two kingdoms. It would, my the wisdom and liberality which has so lords, be grating to the feelings of us all, long distinguished their conduct. The to state to Ireland, that she is chained fourth article was accordingly introduced down, though by her own prejudices, to as an amendment, expressly stating, that a weak and inefficient independence, sub"the laws for trade and navigation should ject to incessant collisions, and inseparable be the same in Great Britain and in Ire- from misfortune and humiliation. I should land" The Irish parliament in 1780, on think it ungenerous to make such a statebeing admitted to a direct trade with our ment, if it were not in my power to precolonies had already recognized the same sent to her at the same time a real and principle, and still act under it; but in permanent independence, accompanied 1785, such a condition was not reconcile- by a full participation of British opulence, able to the new notions of liberty. The British greatness, and British freedom, present Speaker of Ireland combated those with its best companion, British security. new notions with much eloquence, inge- A nation with plain and undisguised truths nuity, and force. Some of Mr. Grattan's of this magnitude before her eyes, canexpressions on that occasion deserve to not long be influenced by misrepresentabe recollected. He opposed the propositions, or by the partial interests of a few, tions;-"We are told" said he, "that the who may struggle to retain an ascendancy laws respecting commerce and navigation incompetent and irreconcileable to the should be similar; and it is inferred, that happiness of the whole. I shall not adIreland should subscribe the laws of Eng-vert more particularly to the Irish metroland on those subjects.""It is a union, polis, though it would be easy to show an incipient and a creeping union; a vir- that Dublin will be greatly advanced in tual union, establishing one will in the ge-employment, population, rents, and wealth, neral concerns of commerce and naviga- by the effect of the proposed measure. tion, and reposing that will in the parlia. The produce of the income tax will as ment of Great Britain; a union, where certain, that the opulence of our own meour parliament preserves its existence tropolis depends in a small proportion on after it has lost its authority."-"I con- the occasional residence of the members sider myself as opposing a union in limine, of the legislature; that opulence is chiefly and that argument for union which makes derived from the activity and energy of similarity of law and community of inte- our commercial credit and capitals, which rest a pretence for extinction of constitu- can never be communicated to the sister tion."In this instance I can agree with kingdom otherwise than by a legislative union. But I wish to speak of Ireland in general. The interests of her merchants and manufacturers, and of the owners and occupiers of land, will best be understood by a short analysis of the printed accounts to which I now solicit your lordships' particular attention. It is impossible, my lords, to contemplate these papers without exultation of mind, at so brilliant an exhibition of the increasing prosperity of Great Britain, and of her unexampled pre-eminence among nations. We see her, mistress of the trade of the world, and possessing a navy amply adequate to the protection of such a trade. We saw without surprise the late avowal of our enemy, that she has not one merchant vessel upon the sea. These papers will give to your lordships, what has never before been attempted, the true valuation of our whole commerce according to current prices and to other documents, the accuracy of which is incontestable. It has been a task of great labour and difficulty, and could not have been completed but by the intelligent exertions and well-tried accuracy and ability of the present inspector-general. It appears, accordingly, that the total value of our imports and exports in the year 1798 was ninety-five millions sterling-above twenty-two millions higher than the ave rage value of the four last years of peace. The true value of the imports amounting to 46,963,000/; the exports to above 48 millions. The British manufactures exported in 1798, amounted to 33,600,000l. being 6,477,000l. higher than the average export of our manufactures in the four last years of peace. The annual average import into Great Britain from Ireland, during the last four years of peace, was about 4,900.000Z.; and for the three years ending the 5th Jan. 1799, it was above 5,500,000l., being an increase of about 600,000l. Upon our entire trade with Ireland, the annual balance in her favour is above two millions; and upon the interchange of the products and manufactures of the two countries, the balance in favour of Ireland is above 3,400,0002. And here, my lords, allow me to specify the principal articles of our commerce with Ireland, and to examine the causes which give to her, apparent advantages of great extent, and at the same time, under her present circumstances, of little avail. Two-fifths of the average exports from Great Britain to Ireland, for the last three years, consisted of East Indian, colonial, and foreign articles. We sent them to the amount of 1,468,000.: we gave an entire drawback of the duties; and the revenue annually received by Ireland on this branch of our trade was about 345,000. British money. The remaining three-fifths of the British exports to Ireland may be classed under the heads of British manufactures and products. The total average value of the manufactures exported to Ireland, when distinguished from what comes under the description of products, was 1,640,000l., being about one-twentieth of our whole export of ma nufactures. The principal article is that of woollens, in value 686,000l., about one-twelfth of our woollens exported. The other articles separately taken are of small amount, and consist of cottons, cotton-yarn, wrought-iron, leather, glass, earthen-ware, &c. The articles of British products exported to Ireland are essential to the Irish manufactures, such as oakbark, coals, bar-iron, hops, lead, and salt. The most important article is that of coals. We annually send to Ireland above 300,000 chaldrons, subject to a duty of only 1s. 2d. per chaldron; at the same time that our coasting trade pays 5s, 9d.; and that the duties paid in the metropolis of England amount to 9s. 3d. A revenue of 600,000l. is raised in this kingdom on coals; Ireland, however, pays no more than 17,9004. for the duties on all that we supply to her; and an Irish duty is levied in Dublin of 1s 9d. per ton. with the exemption only of such coals as may be used to promote against us the rival manufactures of glass and refined sugar. Other products, such as allum, bark, bar-iron, hops, lead, and salt, are subject to similar remarks; they go free from this country, and pay considerable duties in Ireland. The average revenue raised in Ireland on British products and manufactures is 194,000l. The revenue raised in Great Britain on Irish products and manufactures is 10,850/. I shall now, my lords, proceed to examine how far the same liberal system prevails respecting the exports from Ireland to Great Britain, and to the British settlements. I admit, that on some articles of manufacture our protecting duties are nearly prohibitory. But I venture to assert, that the entire abolition of all those duties would, in the present relative cir cumstances of Ireland, have no effect whatever. If, indeed, the two kingdoms were blended in their legislatures, and interests so as to establish, between the opposite sides of St. George's Channel, the same sort of connexion, interest, and intercourse, which now subsists between the opposite banks of the Humber or the Thames, I willingly believe, that the gradual extension of English capital and the gradual interchange of workmen, would transfer to Ireland a full participation not only in the woollen and cotton manufactures, but in many other branches of employment. The credit and capital, which are now pent up within Great Britain, would then descend like water to a level, and diffuse themselves equally over both kingdoms. There is nothing in such an operation, when maturely arranged and prepared, which ought not to satisfy those, on the one hand, who dread the re- | moval of their wealth to a country where taxes are comparatively low; or those, on the other hand, who affect to dread an increased taxation. The virtual and gradual equalizing of burdens, as well as of benefits, is implied in all these statements, and would be accomplished by a united, wise, and provident legislature, without any shock to the interests of either contracting party. In the mean time, it cannot have escaped your lordships' observation, that the duties alluded to are on articles which we are exporting in considerable quantities to Ireland, such as woollens, cottons, and leather manuface | tured. Let it also be remarked, that our woollens are subject in Ireland, on a fair average value of the whole export, to about five and a half per cent ad valorem; and yet the Irish market takes our woollens to the amount of 6 6,000l. a year. Our cotton goods pay a duty in the Irish ports of 9l. 18s. 5d. per cent ad valorem; and yet the value of our cottons imported into Ireland is about 70,000. a year. But the instance of leather manufactured and tanned is still more remarkable. We bring the chief raw materials from Ireland, charged there with an export duty, and we prepare it and send it back to Ireland, to the annual amount of 152,000. It is subject to an import duty, paid there, of nearly 10 per cent ad valorem. We are, nevertheless, able to enter into competition with Ireland even in her own market, though she possesses the raw material, and though we supply her with tanner's bark free of all duty. I will not detain your lordships farther in the discussion of articles which, it is evident, would not be sent to us even if all the duties were removed. I think it sufficient to have shown, that the existence of those duties is in effect no excep tion to the liberality of our general system. There are, however, some products and manufactures which Ireland is able to supply to a considerable extent. The cattle and provisions, furnished annually by Ireland to Great Britain, amount to no less a sum than two millions sterling annually. A duty too, producing about 30,000, is charged in Ireland on that whole export: and yet we prohibit, in time of peace, the admission of provisions from other countries, and do not even permit the United States of America to send provi sions to our islands and fisheries. I do not wish, at present, to examine the policy of these exclusive encouragements, nor whether it may be a detriment to our own agriculture to import Irish provisions duty free. The quantity purchased by us is apparently large, and such as at first sight might seem difficult to be replaced, if ever the channel of supply should be suddenly checked. But when it is considered in the scale of our general con sumption, its importance is much diminished. I find, for instance, that all the beef which we take from Ireland, including what is furnished for our fleets, is less than one third of what is annually sold in Smithfield. The only other article of Irish products, imported by us to any considerable amount, is that of oats, which may be stated at 200,000. sterling. I now come to the exported manufac tures of Ireland, which are nearly com prised in the single article of linen. I am content to take the valuation as it is given in the papers before us (1s. 5d. per yard), though I believe it to be below the true average price. It appears then, by the accounts on your table, that, in the last three years, the annual import of Irish linens (being thirty-seven millions of yards) amounted to 2,600,000.; to which may be added linen-yarn, the valuation of which was 243,000. In the accounts of the Irish Custom-house, the annual export of Irish linens to all the world, is stated at about forty millions of yards, and seven-eighths of the whole, or thirtyfive millions, are taken by Great Britain and her colonies. Such is the quantity and proportion imported for British consumption, free of duty, and under favour of a protecting duty equal to 25 per cent imposed on the linen of all other countries! and whatever part of that quantity is not might give to our home-made linens should occasion a decrease in the general import. Such are the effects of our liberality towards Ireland in this important manufacture, which constitutes in value nearly one-half of the Irish exports to all the world. And there now lies on that table a bill, which we are passing, to continue our bounties on Irish linens. And yet, a few weeks ago, the following phrases were gravely addressed, by an eminent person (Mr. Foster) to the county of Louth:-"In truth, I see much danger, and a probable decrease of our trade and manufactures, from the measure of a legislative union, and I cannot conceive any advantage to them from it. If the linen manufacture rests at all on any compact, that compact was made with the Irish parliament; the extinction of which takes away a security we had found adequate, and leaves it without the protection of its natural guardians, who, by their vigilance, their regulations, and their bounties, have more than doubled its exports within a few years. As an Irishman, then, I should oppose the measure." consumed in England, is exported to other | countries by the aid of British credit and of a British bounty. How far this system may be beneficial to England; whether the duties on linens from the continent, with a total exemption in favour of Ireland, have tended to increase the restraints in foreign countries upon our manufactures; and whether, if the Russian and German linens were less discouraged by us, a larger demand for our woollens and cottons would not take place in return; are questions of great moment, which I am not now solicitous to discuss. The beneficial effects of such a system, with respect to Ireland at least, are not equivocal, and may be traced in the printed Report of the late Board of Trade in 1780. It appears, in that Report, that the linen manufactures of Ireland have been gradually raised to their present flourishing state, and are still rising in prosperity, solely by the operation and effect of British care and encouragement. The import into Great Britain in 1743, when the present system commenced, was 6,418,000 yards; in 1773, it was 17,876,000 yards; in 1783, 21,000,000 yards; and in 1798, 37,000,000 yards. The export, with I know nothing of the compact here al. bounty, in 1743, was 40,900 yards; in 1773, luded to; and I am unable to annex any 2,832,000 yards; and in 1798, 6,400,000 sense to the word " extinction," as applied yards. The foreign linens, in 1743, were to the projected union of the two legislathree-fourths of our whole import; at pre-tures. But I perfectly understand, and, sent, they are only one-fourth. But here, my lords, I think it just and necessary to remark, that by our actual system we are subjecting ourselves to one or two disadvantages; either to an increase of price equal to about 25 per cent on the value, which falls on the consumer: or, to a proportionate loss of revenue-and that the amount (being 25 per cent on 2,600,000l.) is, in either case, 650,000l. For a moment's reflexion will show, that if the foreign linens, charged as they are with a duty of 25 per cent, can come into competition with the Irish, which are duty free, those same foreign manufactures would soon be able to supply all our demand, and might be consumed at 25 per cent below the present price, if they were relieved from duty as the Irish are. On the other hand, the Irish linens, if subjected to the foreign duties, must either be furnished by Ireland at 25 per cent below their present price, or be driven out of the market. In this latter case, too, an addition of 650,000l. would be made to our revenue; unless, indeed, to the encouragement which such a change know, that the annual importation of Irish linens, to the amount of nearly three millions sterling, is a sort of monopoly given to Ireland in the British market; and that the existence and continuance of that monopoly do not depend on the vigilance, regulations, and bounties, of the Irish parliament, but on our liberality, our regulations, and our bounties, and are entirely subject to the gratuitous favour, good will, and dispensations, of the British parliament. It will also be obvious, to the most superficial observer, that if Ireland has obtained and enjoyed these advantages, through the indulgence of the British separate legislature, in despite of any spirit of rivalship or jealousy, she will be more likely to increase than to forfeit them, when she shall be incorporated as a part of the same kingdom, and when Irish representatives shall form a proportion of the united parliament.-In addition to the indulgences which I have described, we have given to Ireland many privileges for the encouragement of her fisheries. We have also relaxed the whole system of our navigation laws, and permit the produce trade with all other parts, amount to about 209,000. And yet, notwithstanding all these encouragements, Ireland, with a po pulation equal, perhaps, to one-third of the British population, has a trade equal to not more than one-ninth of the trade of Great Britain. And, lastly, that the small and dispro of our colonies to be imported to us through the Irish ports. I do not lay much stress on the probable benefits of these concessions. They were, indeed, solicited as of great importance; but Ireland, nevertheless, continues to be supplied, through Great Britain, not only with fish, to the amount of 113,000l. annually; she also receives rum, sugars, in-portionate commerce which she possesses digo, and tobacco, circuitously (and with is almost entirely dependent on British ge all the expense of landing, warehousing, nerosity, and on laws made in Great Bri re-shipping, commission, &e.), to the an- tain. My lords, there is a well-known nual amount of more than 500,000l. at the line," Isthæc commemoratio quasi ex. same time that her direct importation of probatio est immemoris benefici." I menthese articles is valued at not more than tion it merely to deprecate and disclaim 140,000l. a year. Nor will she ever be the application of it. The statement which able to avail herself of our concessions, I this day submit to your lordships is not without the aid of British capital and con- given grudgingly, nor for the purpose of fidence, which can only be obtained by conveying either reproach or menace. It union. Hitherto there hardly exists an is my sincere wish neither to irritate nor instance of any considerable British house to alarm; but to conciliate, and, if possi engaged in Ireland in Irish partnership. ble, to convince. It would be idle to imagine, that, in a British parliament, this great question can be debated with flattery, and complaisance, and reserves, and on Irish interests only. The people of Ireland ought not to be kept in ignorance, that numerous and essential benefits are conferred on them without reciprocity; but that those benefits, without union, remain liable, on any eventual disagreement, to a sudden explosion, with the utter ruin of all the Irish interests dependent on trade and manufactures. I have not hesitated to display these truths to our own manu facturers and merchants; because I know it to be their wish, as it always has been mine, to extend to Ireland, even without union, every accession of prosperity that can be made compatible with our own well-being and security. If, indeed, it should ever appear that Ireland were seek. ing strength at our expense, in order to make that strength operate to the weakening of the British empire, then and then only would the manufacturers and merchants object loudly to the system of gra tuitous concessions; and then, and only then, would I join my voice to theirs. And surely it cannot be either unfriendly or ungenerous to point out to the party obliged, the means of giving both permanency and effect to the benefits which are conferred. Can the superior country be expected to enrich, beyond certain limits, the inferior, without having some security that the wealth, and strength, and resources of the one, may be considered as the wealth, strength, and resources of the other. Or is it to be expected that capi The general results are, that of the whole amount of Irish exports to all the world, about eight-ninths are sent to Great Britain and to British dependencies; that of the exports from Ireland to Great Britain, amounting in value to 5,600,000l. nearly the whole is received in our ports free of duty, but is subject to export duties in Ireland, and contributes there to her local revenue as a charge imposed on our consumption. On the other hand, that what we send to Ireland is about a tenth only of our whole export; that about two-fifths of what is so sent to Ireland, consist of foreign articles exported free of duty. That though the entire trade of Ireland with this country is about oneninth of our whole commerce, the revenue received upon it, instead of being oneninth of our customs, is less than the 140th part. For example; that Ireland pays only 47,500/. in duties of customs upon the whole of her trade with us, at the same time that we are receiving from other nations in customs 6,850,000l.; and even from that small amount of 47,500l. we pay on the average about 35,000l. a year in bounties on Irish linens. But it is not merely that the imports from Ireland are free of duty here. What we export to Ireland is highly charged by her. She accordingly raised annually, on her trade with Great Britain and the British dependencies, by the average of the last three years, a revenue of 622,000l.; of which sum, 194,000l. were levied on English products and manufactures. The duties which she levies annually on her whole |