amendment on the ground of the inexpediency of weakening the defence of our ports. The question on concurrence was decided in the affirmative-yeas 60, nays 50, as follows: YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, William W. Bibb, Adam Boyd, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, William Crawford, Roger Davis, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, William Findley, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Peterson Goodwyn, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, John M. Hyneman, Joseph Kent, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Thos. Newbold, Israel Pickens, James Pleasants, jr., Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, John Rhea, John Roane, William Rodman, Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Samuel Shaw, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith William Strong, John Taliaferro, George M. Troup, Robert Whitehill, William Widgery, and Richard Winn. NAYS-Stevenson Archer, John Baker, Burwell Bassett, Abijah Bigelow, William Blackledge, Harmanus Bleecker, James Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Lewis Condict, John Davenport, jr., Wm. Ely, James Emott, James Fisk, Asa Fitch, Thomas R. Gold, Charles Goldsborough, Edwin Gray, Isaiah L. Green, Richard Jackson, jr., William R. King, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, jr., Peter Little, James Milnor, Jonathan O. Moseley, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newton, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Elisha R. Potter, William Reed, William M. Richardson, Henry M. Ridgely, Jonathan Roberts, Thomas Sammons, John Sevier, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Uri Tracy, Charles Turner, jr., Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, Thomas Wilson, and Robert Wright. So the appropriation now stands at $500,000. MONDAY, March 9. H. OF R. an additional bank in that place without a charter of incorporation, provided the petition which had been presented to the other branch of the Legislature for one should fail. He said that no member would more cheerfully than himself grant to that association a bank charter, if the propriety or utility of such a measure could be shown. He, however, had always been decidedly opposed to the establishment of banks without legal authority. Many parts of the Union had, he believed, suffered from the inundation of paper emitted by unauthorized institutions of this sort. He was unwilling that this District should participate of such an evil. He would therefore submit to the House the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency of prohibiting within said District the circulation of the notes of any bank not established by law, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. LITTLE moved that the resolution lie on the table; as he was informed that the association to which the gentleman had alluded, was about applying for a charter. The motion of Mr. GHOLSON was opposed by Mr. ALSTON on the ground of the impropriety of Congress legislating on this subject, unless, indeed, it were to make every individual responsible for the notes of the bank, &c. It was supported by Mr. BASSETT, who deprecated the overwhelming torrent of bank paper, which flooded the country, which might eventually much injure those planters of Virginia or Maryland who should place confidence in the paper of unchartered banks, and by the insolvency of such institutions be left without redress. The resolution was ordered to lie on the table. BRITISH INTRIGUES. The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : Mr. NEWTON, from the committee to whom I lay before Congress copies of certain documents was referred the bill from the Senate "to promote which remain in the Department of State. They the progress of science and useful arts, by secur-prove that at a recent period, whilst the United States, ing, for a limited time, to the inventors, the notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased exclusive right to their respective discoveries," reported several amendments thereto; which were read, and, together with the bill, committed to a Committee of the Whole on Wednesday next. Mr. MITCHILL presented the petition of George Blagden and others, stating that they have claims against the United States to a considerable amount for work done on both wings of the Capitol. under contracts made with the Superintendent of Public Buildings; praying that some provision may be made for the payment of the same.-Referred to the Committee of Claims. 1 UNCHARTERED BANKS. Mr. GHOLSON said, he had been informed, through the newspapers and other channels entitled to his confidence, that an association was forming in the town of Alexandria to establish not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British Government, through its public Ministers here, a secret agent of that Government was employed in certain States, more especially at the seat of Government in Massachusetts, of the nation; and in intrigues with the disaffected for in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws; and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and forming the Eastern part thereof into a political connexion with Great Britain. In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the Public Councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy Union of these States, which, under Divine Providence, is the guarantee of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. MARCH 9, 1812. JAMES MADISON. PHILADELPHIA, February 20, 1812. SIR: Much observation and experience have convinced me, that the injuries and insults with which the United States have been so long and so frequently visited, and which cause their present embarrassment, have been owing to an opinion entertained by foreign States,that in any measure tending to wound their pride, or provoke their hostility, the Government of this country could never induce a great majority of its citizens to concur."-And as many of the evils which flow from the influence of this opinion on the policy of foreign nations, may be removed by any act that can produce unanimity among all parties in America, I voluntarily tender to you, sir, such means, as I possess, towards promoting so desirable and important an object; which, if accomplished, cannot fail to extinguish, perhaps forever, those expectations abroad, which may protract indefinitely an accommodation of existing differences, and check the progress of industry and prosperity in this rising Empire. I have the honor to transmit herewith the documents and correspondence relating to an important mission in which I was employed by Sir James Craig, the late Governor General of the British Provinces in North America, in the Winter of the year 1809. The publication of these papers will demonstrate a fact not less valuable than the good already proposed; it will prove that no reliance ought to be placed on the professions of good faith of an Administration, which, by a series of disastrous events, has fallen into such hands as a Castlereagh, a Wellesley, or a Liverpool-I should rather say into the hands of the stupid subalterns, to whom the pleasures and the indolence of those Ministers have consigned it. No. 1. MARCH, 1812. [Most secret and confidential.] QUEBEC, January 26, 1809. MY DEAR SIR: The extraordinary state of things at this time in the neighboring States has suggested to the Governor-in-Chief the idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore received from you were transmitted by his Excellency to the Secretary of State, who has expressed his particular approbation of them; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I have suggested, would give you a claim, not only on the Governor General, but on His Majesty's Ministers, which might eventually contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness, therefore, to acquaint me, for his Excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake it, without injury to yourself. At present, it is only necessary for me to add, that the Governor would furnish you with a cipher for carrying on your correspondence; and that, in case the leading party in any of the States wished to open a communication with this Government, their views might be communicated through you. I am, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your most faithful, humble servant, JOHN HENRY, Esq. HERMAN W. RYLAND. No. 2. respecting his Secret Mission. In contributing to the good of the United States by an exposition which cannot (I think) fail to solve and melt all division and disunion among its citizens, I flatter myself with the fond expectation that when it is made public in England it will add one great motive to the many that already exist, to induce that nation to General Instructions from Sir J. H. Craig to Mr. Henry, withdraw its confidence from men whose political career is a fruitful source of injury and embarrassment in America; of injustice and misery in Ireland; of His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief's Instructions distress and apprehension in England; and contempt everywhere. In making this communication to you, sir, I deem it incumbent on me distinctly and unequivocally to state that I adopt no party views; that I have not changed any of my political opinions; that I neither seek nor desire the patronage nor countenance of any Government nor of any party; and that, in addition to the motives already expressed, I am influenced by a just resentment of the perfidy and dishonor of those who first violated the conditions upon which I received their confidence; who have injured me and disappointed the expectations of my friends, and left me no choice but between a degrading acquiescence in injustice, and a retaliation which is necessary to secure to me my own respect. This wound will be felt where it is merited; and if Sir James Craig still live, his share of the pain will excite no sympathy among those who are at all in the secret of our connexion. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, &c. J. HENRY. To Hon. JAMES MONROE, Secretary of State, &c. to Mr. Henry, of February, 1809. [Most secret and confidential.] QUEBEC, February 6, 1809. SIR: As you have so readily undertaken the service which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public interests, I am to request, that, with your earliest convenience, you will proceed to Boston. The principal object that I recommend to your atten. tion, is, the endeavor to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the Union, which, from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed probably lead the other Eastern States of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis. I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information; your own judgment, and the connexions which you may have in the town, must be your guide. I think it, however, necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party. The Federalists, as I understand, have at all times discov MARCH, 1812. British Intrigues. H. OF R. [Copies of the letters from Mr. Henry to Sir James Craig, relative to his mission to the United States, in the year 1809.] No. 1. ered a leaning to this disposition; and their being under its particular influence, at this moment, is the more to be expected, from their having no ill-founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past. In the general terms which I have made use of in Answer to the letter of Mr. Secretary Ryland, proposing the mission, &c. describing the object which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the public opinion, both with regard to their internal politics, and to the probability of a war with England; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divided, and the views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail. It has been supposed, that, if the Federalists of the Eastern States should be successful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable, that, rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general Union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our Government, as it may also be, that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look up to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connexion with us. MONTREAL, Jan. 31, 1809. of the 26th instant, written by the desire of his ExcelSIR: I have to acknowledge the favor of your letter lency, the Governor-in-Chief, and hasten to express, through you, to his Excellency, my readiness to comply with his wishes. I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from His Excellency the assurance of the approbation of His Majesty's Secretary of State, for the very humble services that I may have rendered. If the nature of the service in which I am to be en gaged will require no other disbursements than for my I have the honor to be your most obedient servant, swer to his letter of instructions, &c. Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner appear as an avowed agent, yet, if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with any To His Excellency the Governor General, &c., in anof the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, (though with great caution,) that, if they should wish to enter into any communication with our Government, through me, you are authorized to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me. And as it may not be impossible that they should require some document, by which they may be assured that you are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I enclose a credential to be produced in that view. But, I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication than you can otherwise look for. In passing through the State of Vermont, you will of course exert your endeavors to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discretion as to delaying your journey with this view, more or less, in proportion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence. I request to hear from you as frequently as possible, and as letters directed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them under cover to Mr. , and as even the addressing letters always to the same person might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes addressing your packet to the Chief Justice here, or occasionally, though seldom, to Mr. Ryland, but never with the addition of his official description. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, JOHN HENRY, Esq. J. H. CRAIG Copy of the "credential" given by Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry. The bearer, Mr, John Henry, is employed by me, and full confidence may be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to me in the business committed to him. In faith of which I have given him this under my hand and seal at Quebec, the 6th day of February, 1809. MONTREAL, Feb. 10, 1809. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of instructions, the letter of credence, and the cipher for carrying on my correspondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cipher, and am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some points which might enable me to understand it clearly. I have compared the example with my own exemplification of the cipher, and find a difference in the results; and as the present moment seems favorable to the interference of His Majesty's Government in the measures pursued by the Federal party in the Northern States, and more especially as the Assembly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set forward immediately, than wait for any further explanation of the means of carrying on a secret correspondence, which the frequency of safe private conveyances to Canada will render almost wholly unnecessary. Should it, however, be necessary at any time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and simple mode. In it there is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular numbers for particular phrases; so that when I do not find in the index the particular word I want, I can spell it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to say that "troops are at Albany," I find under the letter T, that No. 16 stands for "troops," and number 125 for "Albany; the intervening words "are at" I supply by figures corresponding with the letters in these words. It will be necessary to provide against accident by addressing the letters to Mr. -, of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelope, which he will understand. When he receives it he will then address the enclosure to your Excellency, and send it from Montreal by mail. I will be careful not to address your Excellency in the body of the letter, nor sign my name to any of them. They will be merely designated by the initials A. B. If this mode should, in any respect, appear excep BURLINGTON, (Vt.,) Feb. 14, 1809. SIR: I have remained here two days in order fully to ascertain the progress of the arrangements heretofore made for organizing an efficient opposition to the General Government, as well as to become acquainted with the opinions of the leading people relative to the measures of that party which has the ascendant in the National Councils. On the subject of the embargo laws there seems to be but one opinion: namely, that they are unnecessary, oppressive, and unconstitutional. It must also be observed, that the execution of them is so invidious as to attract toward the officers of Government the enmity of the people, which is of course transferable to the Government itself; so that, in case the State of Massachusetts should take any bold step toward resisting the execution of these laws, it is highly probable that it may calculate upon the hearty co-operation of the people of Vermont. I learn that the Governor of this State is now visiting the towns in the northern section of it, and makes no secret of his determination, as Commander-in-Chief of the militia, to refuse obedience to any command from the General Government which can tend to interrupt the good understanding that prevails between the citizens of Vermont and His Majesty's subjects in Canada. It is further intimated that, in case of a war, he will use his influence to preserve this State neutral, and resist, with all the force he can command, any attempt to make it a party. I need not add that, if these resolutions are carried into effect, the State of Vermont may be considered as an ally of Great Britain. To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter exist in the neighboring States, or even in the eastern section of this State, I am not able to conjecture. I only say with certainty, that the leading men of the Federal party act in concert; and therefore infer that a common sentiment pervades the whole body throughout New England. I have seen a letter from a gentleman now in Washington to his correspondent in this place; and, as its contents may serve to throw some light on passing events there, I shall send either the original, or a copy, with this despatch. The writer of the letter is a man of character and veracity; and, whether competent or not to form correct opinions himself, is probably within the reach of all the knowledge that can be obtained by the party to which he belongs. It appears by his statement that there is a very formidable majority in Congress on the side of the Administration; notwithstanding which, there is every reason to hope, that the Northern States, in their distinct capacity, will unite, and resist, by force, a war with Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will first show itself is probably not yet determined upon; and may, in some measure, depend upon the reliance that the leading men may place upon assurances of support from His Majesty's representative in Canada; and as I shall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can be done with effect, there is no doubt that all their measures may be made subordinate to the intentions of His Majesty's Government. Great pains are taken by the men of talents and intelligence MARCH, 1812. to confirm the fears of the common people, as to the No. 4. WINDSOR, (Vt) Feb. 19, 1809. SIR: My last (No. 3) was written at Burlington, the principal town in the northern part of the State of Vermont. I am now at the principal town in the eastern section. The fallacy of men's opinions, when they act under the influence of sensibility, and are strongly excited by those hopes which always animate a rising party, led me to doubt the correctness of the opinions which I received in the northern section of this State; which from its contiguity to Canada and necessary intercourse with Montreal, has a stronger interest in promoting a good understanding with His Majesty's Government. Therefore, since my departure from Burlington, I have sought every favorable occasion of conversing with the Democrats on the probable result of the policy adopted by the General Government. The difference of opinion is thus expressed. The Federal party declare that, in the event of a war, the State of Vermont will treat separately for itself with Great Britain; and support to the utmost the stipulations into which it may enter, without any regard to the policy of the General Government. The Democrats, on the other hand, assert, that in such a case as that contemplated, the people would be nearly divided into equal numbers; one of which would support the Government, if it could be done without involving the people in a civil war, but, at all events, would risk everything in preference to a coalition with Great Britain. This difference of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern section of Vermont are not operated upon by the same hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They are not dependent on Montreal for the sale of their produce nor the supply of foreign commodities. They are not apprehensive of any serious dangers or inconvenience from a state of war; and although they admit that the Governor, Council, and three-fourths of the representation in Congress are of the Federal party, yet they do not believe that the State would stand alone and resist the National Government. They do not, however, deny that, should the State of Vermont continue to be represented as it is at present, it would in all probability unite with the neighboring States in any serious plan of resistance to a war which it might seem expedient to adopt. This, I think, is the safer opinion for you to rely on; if, indeed, reliance ought to be placed on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, which is ever changing, and must ever be marked with ignorance, caprice, and inconsistency. As the crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon a hazardous alternative will increase; and, unfortunately, there is not in Vermont any man of commanding talents capable of attracting general confidence, of infusing into the people his own spirit; and, amidst the confusion of conflicting opinions, dangers, and commotion, competent to lead in the path of duty or safety. The Governor is an industrious, prudent man, and has more personal influence than any other; but his abilities are not suited to the situation in which a civil war would place him. I am, &c. A. B. MARCH, 1812. No. 5. British Intrigues. AMHERST, (N. H.,) Feb. 23, 1809. SIR: A gentleman going direct to Canada affords a safe and favorable opportunity of giving you some further account of my progress. I will not make use of the post offices when I can avoid it, because private occasions supersede the necessity of writing in cipher; and the contempt of decency and principles, which forms part of the morals of the subaltern officers of a democracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same indifference that they break their words, when either curiosity or inter est is to be indulged. 1 have not had sufficient time nor evidence to enable me to form any opinion for myself, of the lengths to which the Federal party will carry their opposition to the National Government in the event of a war; much may be inferred from the result of the election of Governors which, within two months, will be made in the States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. From all I know, and all I can learn of the General Government, I am not apprehensive of an immediate war. The embargo is the favorite measure; and it is probable that other means will be employed to excite England to commit some act of hostility, for the sole purpose of placing the responsibility of war on that country. This I most particularly recommend to the consideration of Ministers. The dread of opposition, and of the loss of popularity, will certainly keep the ruling party at Washington inactive. They will risk anything but the loss of power; and they are well aware, that their power would pass away with the first calamity which their measures might bring upon the common people, from whom that power emanates, unless, indeed, they could find a sufficient excuse in the conduct of Great Britain. This impression cannot be too deeply felt by His Majesty's Ministers; nor too widely spread throughout the British nation. It will furnish a sure guide in every policy that may be adopt ed toward the United States. I have the honor to be, &c. No. 6. • A. B. BOSTON, March 5, 1809. SIR: I am favored with another opportunity of writing to you by a private conveyance; and think it probable, at this season, that the frequency of these will render it unnecessary to write to you in cipher. It does not yet appear necessary that I should discover to any person the purpose of my visit to Boston; nor is it probable that I shall be compelled, for the sake of gaining more knowledge of the arrangements of the Federal party in these States, to avow myself as a regular authorized agent of the British Government, even to those individuals who would feel equally bound with myself to preserve, with the utmost inscrutability, so important a secret from the public eye. I have sufficient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper period for offering the co-operation of Great Britain, and opening a correspondence between the Governor General of British America, and those individuals who, from the part they take in the opposition to the National Government, or the influence they may possess in any new order of things that may grow out of the present differences, should be qualified to act on behalf of the Northern States. An apprehension of any such state of things as is pre-supposed by these remarks, begins to subside, since it has appeared, by the conduct of the General Government, that it is seriously H. OF R. alarmed at the menacing attitude of the Northern States. But, although it is believed that there is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are entertained that Mr. Madison will fall upon some new expedients to bring about hostilities. What these may be, can only be deduced from what appears to be practicable. A non-intercourse with England and France will probably supersede the embargo; which, by opening with the rest of Europe a partial, legitimate commerce, and offering strong temptations to that which is illegal, will expose the vessels to capture, detention, and embarrassment; will justify the present policy, and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment the whole blame and responsibility of war from its own as will enable the Government of this country to throw shoulders upon those of the British Ministry. If, in this, the party attached to France should calculate with correctness, and the commerce of New England should greatly suffer, the merchants, being injured and discouraged, would not only acquiesce in the restrictive On the other hand, system, but even submit to war. should the small traffic, permitted by a non-intercourse be clamorous for more, and soon compel the Governlaw, be lucrative and uninterrupted, the people would ment to restore the friendly relations between the two countries. While I offer my opinion upon this subject, I cannot but express a strong hope that, if any terms should be proposed by either Government, to which the other might think proper to accede, that a principal motive to the adjustment of differences should be understood to arise from the amicable disposition of the Eastern States, particularly of the State of Massachusetts. This, as it would increase the popularity of the friends of Great Britain, could not fail to promote her interests. If it could not be done formally and officially, nor in a correspondence between Ministers, still, perhaps, the administration in the Parliament of Great Britain might take that ground, and the suggestion would find its way into the papers both in England and America. It cannot be too frequently repeated, that this coun. try can only be governed and directed by the influence of opinion, as there is nothing permanent in its political institutions; nor are the populace, under any circumstances, to be relied on, when measures become inconvenient and burdensome. I will soon write again, and am yours, &c. A. B. BOSTON, March 7, 1809. SIR: I have now ascertained, with as much accuracy as possible, the course intended to be pursued by the party in Massachusetts that is opposed to the measures and politics of the Administration of the General Government. I have already given a decided opinion that a declaration of war is not to be expected; but, contrary to all reasonable calculation, should the Congress possess spirit and independence enough to place their popularity in jeopardy by so strong a measure, the Legislature of Massachusetts will give the tone to the neighboring States, will declare itself permanent until a new election of members, invite a Congress, to be composed of delegates from the Federal States, and erect a separate Government for their common defence and common interest. This Congress would probably begin by abrogating the offensive laws, and adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power and authority thus assumed. They would, by such an act, be in a condition to make or receive proposals from Great Britain; |