and I should seize the first moment to open a correspondence with your Excellency. Scarcely any other aid would be necessary, and perhaps none required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifax station, to protect the maritime towns from the little Navy which is at the disposal of the National Government. What permanent connexion between Great Britain and this section of the Republic would grow out of a civil commotion, such as might be expected, no person is prepared to describe; but it seems that a strict alliance must result of necessity. At present the opposition party confine their calculations merely to resistance; and I can assure you that, at this moment, they do not freely entertain the project of withdrawing the Eastern States from the Union, finding it a very unpopular topic; although a course of events, such as I have already mentioned, would inevitably produce an incurable alienation of the New England from the Southern States. MARCH, 1812. lawful voyage, the British cruisers should treat the American ships in this manner, their owners would, in the present state of the European markets, think themselves very fortunate, as it would save them the trouble and expense of landing them in a neutral port, and from thence reshipping them to England, now the best market in Europe for the produce of this country. The Government of the United States would probably complain, and Bonaparte become peremptory; but even that would only tend to render the opposition in the Northern States more resolute, and accelerate the dissolution of the confederacy. The generosity and justice of Great Britain would be extolled; and the commercial States exult in the success of individuals over a Government inimical to commerce, and to whose measures they can no longer submit with patient acquiescence. The elections are begun; and I presume no vigilance or industry will be remitted to insure the success of the Federal party. I am, &c. The truth is, the common people have so long reA. B. garded the Constitution of the United States with com- P. S. Intelligence has reached Boston that a nonplacency, that they are now only disposed in this quar-intercourse law has actually passed, and that Martinter to treat it like a truant mistress, whom they would, ique has surrendered to British forces. for a time, put away on a separate maintenance, but, without further and greater provocation, would not absolutely repudiate. No. 9. BOSTON, March 13, 1809. It will soon be known in what situation public affairs reach you in the public papers, both from Washington SIR: You will perceive, from the accounts that will are to remain until the meeting of the New Congress in May, at which time, also, this Legislature will again and Massachusetts, that the Federalists of the Northassemble. The two months that intervene will be a pe-lieve that, with such an opposition as they would make ern States have succeeded in making the Congress beriod of much anxiety. In all I have written I have been careful not to make any impression analogous to the enthusiastic confidence entertained by the opposition, nor to the hopes and expectations that animate the friends of an alliance between the Northern States and Great Britain. to the General Government, a war must be confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for that Government to sustain. The consequence is, that, after all the parade and menaces with which the session commenced, it has been suffered to end without I have abstracted myself from all the sympathies carrying into effect any of the plans of the Adminis these are calculated to inspire; because, notwithstand-tration, except the interdiction of commercial intering that I feel the utmost confidence in the integrity course with England and France, an event that was of intention of the leading characters in this political anticipated in my former letters. drama, I cannot forget that they derive their power from a giddy, inconstant multitude; who, unless in the instance under consideration they form an exception to all general rules and experience, will act inconsistently and absurdly. I am yours, &c. No. 8. A. B. BOSTON, March 9, 1809. SIR In my letter No. 6, I took the liberty to express my opinion of the probable effect of the non-intercourse law, intended to be enacted; and of the mode by which Great Britain may defeat the real intention of the American Government in passing it. But as this sort of impunity recommended might, in its application to every species of commerce that would be carried on, be deemed by Great Britain a greater evil than war itself, a middle course might easily be adopted, which would deprive France of the benefits resulting from an intercourse with America, without, in any great degree, irritating the maritime States. The high price of all American produce in France furnishes a temptation which mercantile avarice will be unable to resist. The consequence is obvious. But if, instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which may be arrested in pursuing this prohibited commerce, they should be compelled to go into a British port, and there permitted to sell them, I think the friends of England in these States would not utter a complaint. Indeed, I have no doubt that if, in the prosecution of a meet in May, will depend on the State elections and Under what new circumstances the Congress will the changes that may in the mean time take place in Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarcely mistake her true policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, every act which can irritate the maritime States ought to be avoided, because the prevailing disposition of these will generally be suffi cient to keep the Government from hazarding any hostile measures. If a war between America and France be the grand desideratum, something more must be done: an indulgent and conciliatory policy must be adopted, which will leave the Democrats without a pretext for hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too hot for delay, will probably compel this Government to decide which of the two great belligerents is to be its enemy. To bring about a separation of the States, under distinct and independent Governments, is an affair of more uncertainty, and, however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series of acts and a long continued policy tending to irritate the Southern and conciliate the Northern people. The former are agricultural, the latter a commercial people. The mode of cherishing and depressing either is too obvious to require illustration. This, I am aware, is an object of much interest in Great Britain, as it would forever secure the integrity of His Majesty's possessions on this Continent, and make the two Governments, or whatever number the present confederacy might form into, as useful and as much subject to the influence of Great Britain as her Colonies can be rendered. But it is an object only to be attained by slow and circumspect progression, and requires, for its consummation, more attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country than Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it. An unpopular war, that is, a war produced by the hatred and prejudices of one party, but against the consent of the other party, can alone produce a sudden separation of any section of this country from the common head. At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace that Great Britain should make any great concession at the present moment, more especially, as the more important changes that occur in Europe might render it inconvenient for her to adhere to any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime nations. Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very partial relief to the people of this country from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which they have reluctantly submitted for some time past, I lament the repeal of the embargo, because it was calculated to accelerate the progress of these States towards a revolution that would have put an end to the only Republic that remains to prove that a Government founded on political equality can exist in a season of trial and difficulty, or is calculated to insure either security or happiness to a people. I am, &c. No. 10. A. B. BOSTON, March 29, 1809. SIR: Since my letter of the 13th, nothing has occurred which I thought worthy of a communication. The last weeks of this month, and the first of April, will be occupied in the election of Governors and other executive officers in the New England States. The Federal candidate in New Hampshire is already elected by a majority of about one thousand votes. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive connexions, and inoffensive manners. These account for the smallness of the majority. In Connecticut no change is necessary, and none is to be apprehended. In Rhode Island it is of no consequence of what party the Governor is a member, as he has neither civil nor military power, being merely President of the Council. In Massachusetts it is certain that the Federal can didate will succeed. A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength of parties, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a measure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized opposition to the projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the whole of the New England States have transferred their political power to his political enemies; and the reason that he has still so many adherents is, that those who consider the only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation of peace, have still great confidence that nothing can force him (or his successor, who acts up to his system, or rather is governed by it,) to consent to war. They consider all the menaces and "dreadful note of preparation" to be a mere finesse, intended only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. From every sort of evidence, I confess I am myself of the same opinion, and am fully persuaded that this farce, which has been acting at Washington, will terminate in a full proof of the imbecility and spiritless H. of R. temper of the actors. A war attempted without the concurrence of both parties, and the general consent of the Northern States, which constitute the bone and muscle of the country, must commence without hope, and end in disgrace. It should, therefore, be the peculiar care of Great Britain to foster divisions between the North and South, and, by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect her own projects in Europe, with a total disregard of the resentments of the democrats of this country. I am, &c. A. B. No. 11. BOSTON, April 13, 1809. SIR: I send to Mr. R- a pamphlet entitled "Suppressed Documents." The notes and comments were written by the gentleman who has written the analysis which I sent by a former conveyance. These works have greatly contributed to excite the fears of the men of talents and property, who now prefer the chance of maintaining their party by open resistance and a final separation, to an alliance with France and a war with England; so that, should the Government unexpectedly, and contrary to all reasonable calculation, attempt to involve the country in a measure of that nature, I am convinced (now that the elections have all terminated favorably) that none of the New England States would be a party in it. But, as I have repeatedly written, the General Government does not seriously entertain any such desire or intention. Had the majority in the New England States continued to approve of the public measures, it is extremely probable that Great Britain would now have to choose between war and concession. But the aspect of things in this respect is changed, and a war would produce an incurable alienation of the Eastern States, and bring the whole country in subordination to the interests of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce the terms upon which the commercial States should carry, and the agricultural States export, their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the democrats as to the other party; therefore, they will avoid a war, at least until the whole nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we consider of what materials the Government is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their measures. The past Administration, in every transaction, presents to the mind only a muddy commixture of folly, weakness, and duplicity. The spell by which the nations of Europe have been rendered inert and inefficient, when they attempted to shake it off, has stretched its shadows across the Atlantic, and made a majority of the people of these States alike blind to duty and to their true interests. I am, &c. A. B. No. 12. BOSTON, April 26, 1809. SIR: Since my letter No. 11, I have had but little to communicate. I have not yet been able to ascertain, with sufficient accuracy, the relative strength of the two parties in the legislative bodies in New England. In all of these States, however, Governors have been elected out of the Federal party, and even the Southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of Federal members in the next Congress. The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the Secretary of State at Washington you will have seen before this can reach you. It has given much satisfaction to the Federal party here, because it promises an exemption from the evil most feared, (a war with England,) and justifies their partiality towards Great Britain, which they maintain was founded upon a full conviction of her justice, and sincere disposition to preserve peace. Even the democrats affect to be satisfied with it; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy of the restrictive system of Mr. Jefferson. But the great benefit that will probably result from it will be, that Bonaparte may be induced to force this country from her neutral position. Baffled in his attempts to exclude from the Continent the manufactures of Great Britain, he will most likely confiscate all American property in his dominions and dependencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than this contribute to give influence and stability to the British party. The invidious occurrences of the rebellion would be forgotten in the resentment of the people against France, and they would soon be weaned from that attachment to her which is founded on the aid that was rendered to separate from the mother country. While Great Britain waits for this natural, I might say necessary, result of the negotiation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the American Government? Every sort of evidence and experience prove that the democrats consider their political ascendancy in a great measure dependent on the hostile spirit that they can keep alive towards Great Britain, and recent events demonstrate that their conduct will be predicated upon that conviction; it is, therefore, not to be expected that they will meet, with corresponding feelings, a sincere disposition on the part of England to adjust all matters in dispute. They are at heart mortified and disappointed to find that Great Britain has been in advance of the French Government in taking advantage of the provisional clauses of the non-intercourse law; and if they show any spirit at the next session of Congress towards France, it will be only because they will find Bonaparte deaf to entreaty and insensible of past favors; or that they may think it safer to float with the tide of public feeling. which will set strongly against him unless he keep pari passu with England in a conciliatory policy. I am, &c. No. 13. A. B. BOSTON, May 5, 1809. SIR: Although the recent changes that have occurred quiet all apprehension of war, and, consequently, lessen all hope of a separation of the States, I think it necessary to transmit by the mail of each week a sketch of passing events. On local politics I have nothing to add; and as the parade that is made in the National Intelligencer of the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to preserve amicable relations with Great Britain is, in my opinion, calculated to awaken vigilance and distrust, rather than inspire confidence, I shall (having nothing more important to write about,) take leave to examine his motives. MARCH, 1812. State; all form an assemblage of probabilities tending to convince me, at least, that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which the rights and pretensions of Great Britain would be fairly recognised. It seems impossible that he should at once divest himself of his habitual animosity, and that pride of opinion which his present situation enables him to indulge; but, above all, that he should deprive his friends and supporters of the benefit of those prejudices which have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common people towards England, and which have so materially contributed to invigorate and augment the democratic party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is, in this stage of the affair, harmless enough to inquire into the cause of the apparent change. He probably acts under a conviction that, in the present temper of the Eastern States, a war could not fail to produce a dissolution of the Union; or he may have profited by the mistakes of his predecessor, and is inclined to seize the present opportunity to prove to the world that he is determined to be the President of a nation, rather than the head of a faction; or he has probably gone thus far to remove the impression on the minds of many that he was under the influence of France, in order that he may, with a better grace, and on more tenable grounds, quarrel with Great Britain in the progress of negotiating a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, I am very certain his party will not support him in any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure to temporize when great events call upon them for decision, and are sluggish and inert at the moment when the worst of evils is in action. This is the character of the democrats in the Northern States. Of those of the South I know but little. I am, &c. No. 14. A. B. BOSTON, May 25, 1809. SIR: My last was under date of the 5th instant. The unexpected change that has taken place in the feelings of political men in this country, in consequence of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the friendly proposals of Great Britain, has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict of parties; and they both regard him with equal wonder and distrust. They all ascribe his conduct to various motives, but none believe him to be in earnest. The State of New York has returned to the Assembly a majority of federal members. All this proves that an anti-commercial faction cannot rule the Northern States. Two months ago the State of New York was not ranked among the States that would adopt the policy of that of Massachusetts; and any favorable change was exceedingly problematical. I beg leave to suggest that, in the present state of things in this country, my presence can contribute very little to the interests of Great Britain. If Mr. Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by His Majesty's ministers, it is unnecessary for me, as indeed it would be unavailing, to make any attempt to carry into effect the original purposes of my mission. While I think it to be my duty to give this intimation to you, I beg it may be understood that I consider myself entirely at the disposal of His Majesty's Government. I am, &c. I am not surprised at his conditional removal of the non-intercourse law, with respect to Great Britain, because it was made incumbent on him by the act of Congress; but the observations made on his friendly disposition towards Great Britain is a matter of no little astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His speech on the British Treaty in 1796; his attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of "British debts" and British property; his commercial resolutions, grounded MONTREAL, June 12, 1809. apparently on an idea of making America useful as a SIR: I have the honor to inform your Excellency colony to France; his conduct while Secretary of that I received, through Mr. Secretary Ryland, your No. 15. A. B. Excellency's commands to return to Canada; and after the delay incident to this season of the year, in a journey from Boston, arrived here yesterday. Your Excellency will have seen, by the papers of the latest dates from the United States, that a formidable opposition is already organized in Congress to the late measures of Mr. Madison; and it is very evident that, if he be sincere in his professions of attachment to Great Britain, his party will abandon him. Sixtyone members have already voted against a resolution to approve of what he has done; and I have no doubt the rest of the democratic party will follow the example as soon as they recover from the astonishment into which his apparent defection has thrown them. The present hopes of the Federalists are founded on the probability of a war with France; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organized enough to prevent a war with England It would be now superfluous to trouble your Excel. lency with an account of the nature and extent of the arrangements made by the Federal party to resist any attempt of the Government unfavorable to Great Britain. They were such as do great credit to their ability and principles; and, while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests in America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of His Majesty's Government in their efficiciency and eventual success, may have inclined me to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters which I willingly take the present occasion to express. I trust your Excellency will ascribe the style and manner of my communications, and the frequent ambiguities introduced in them, as arising from the secrecy necessary to be observed, and my consciousness that you understand my meaning, on the most delicate points, without risking a particular explanation. I lament that no occasion commensurate to my wishes has permitted me to prove how much I value the confidence of your Excellency, and the approbation already expressed by His Majesty's Minister. I have the honor to be, &c. J. H. QUEBEC, May, 1, 1809. MY DEAR SIR: The news we have received this day from the States will, I imagine, soon bring you back to us; and if you arrive at Montreal by the middle of June, I shall probably have the pleasure of meeting you there, as I am going up with Sir James and a large suite. The last letters received from you are to the 13th April. The whole are now transcribing, for the purpose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of doing you great credit, and I most certainly hope they may eventually contribute to your permanent advantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurance that no effort within the compass of my power shall be wanting to this end, I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old England truckling to such a debased and accursed Government as that of the United States. I am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken in procuring the books, though, if Spain fails, I H. of R. MY DEAR SIR: You must consider the short letter I wrote to you by the last post as altogether unofficial; but I am now to intimate to you, in a more formal manner, our hope of your speedy return, as the object of your journey seems, for the present at least, to be at an end. We have London news, by the way of the river, up to the 6th of March, which tallies to a day with what we have received by the way of the States. Heartily wishing you a safe and speedy journey back to us, I am, my dear sir, most sincerely, yours, H. W. R. Have the goodness to bring my books with you, though I shall have little spirit to look into them, unless you bring good news from Spain. JOHN HENRY, Esq. Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel. JUNE 13, 1811. SIR: I take the liberty to enclose to you'a memorial addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, and beg you will have the goodness either to examine the documents in your office, or those in my own possession, touching the extent and legitimacy of my claim. Mr. Ryland, the Secretary of Sir J. Craig, is now in London, and, from his official knowledge of the transactions and facts alluded to in the memorial, can give any information required on that subject, I have the honor to be, &c. J. H. Memorial of Mr. Henry to Lord Liverpool. The undersigned most respectfully submits the fol lowing statement and memorial to the Earl of Liver pool: Long before and during the administration of your Lordship's predecessor, the undersigned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties, and to the political measures in the United States of America. Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, when His Majesty's Governor General of British America had reason to believe that the two countries would be involved in a war, and had submitted to His Majesty's Ministers the arrangements of the English party in the United States for an efficient resistance to the General Government, which would probably terminate in a separation of the Northern States from the general Confederacy, he applied to the undersigned to undertake a mission to Boston, where the whole concerns of the opposition were managed. The object of the mission was to promote and encourage the Federal party to resist the measures of the General Government, to offer assurances of aid and support from His Majesty's Government of Canada, and to open a communication between the leading men engaged in that opposition and the Governor General, upon such a footing as circumstances might suggest; and, finally, to render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of His Majesty's Government. The undersigned undertook the mission, which lasted from the month of January to the month of June, in H. OF R. British Intrigues. MARCH, 1812. clusive, during which period those public acts and favor, and the opinion he has formed on your corres- nefited by your active employment in a public situation. Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. For his services on the occasions herein recited, and the loss of time and expenses incurred, the undersigned neither sought nor received any compensation, but trusted to the known justice and liberality of His Majesty's Government for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in TUESDAY EVENING, July 2, 1811. pounds, shillings, and pence. On the patronage and support which was promised in the letter of Sir J. that the apprehension I had formed with respect to the MY DEAR HENRY: It gives me real pleasure to find Craig, under date of the 26th January, 1809, (wherein fulfilment of your expectations is likely to prove errohe gives an assurance "that the former correspondence and political information transmitted by the unAs everything which passed, relative to your dersigned had met with the particular approbation of mission, was in writing, I think you will do well subHis Majesty's Secretary of State; and that his exe-could give no other information relative to the subject, mitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers. I myself cution of the mission, proposed to be undertaken in than what they contain, as you and I had no opportu that letter, would give him a claim not only on the nity of any verbal communication respecting it till after Governor General, but on His Majesty's Ministers,") the undersigned has relied, and now most respectfully your mission terminated, and I never wrote you a letclaims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may been submitted to his correction. ter in the Governor's name, which had not previously be pleased to adopt. The undersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir J. Craig promised him an employment in Canada, worth upwards of one thousand pounds a year, by his letter, herewith transmitted, under date of September 13, 1809, which he has just learned has, in consequence of his absence, been given to another person. The undersigned abstains from commenting on this transaction, and most respectfully suggests that the appointment of Judge Advocate General of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of five hundred pounds a year, or a Consulate in the United States, sine curia, would be considered by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that His Majesty's Government may entertain in relation to his services. Mr. Peel, Secretary to Lord Liverpool, to Mr. Henry. SIR: I have not failed to lay before the Earl of His Lordship has directed me to acquaint you that he has referred to the correspondence in this office of the year 1809, and finds two letters from Sir James Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the correspondence that has passed during your residence in the Northern States of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability and judgment, but Lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish on the part of Sir James Craig that your claims for compensation should be referred to this country, nor indeed is allusion made to any kind of arrangement or agreement that had been made by that officer with you. Under these circumstances, and had not Sir James Craig determined on his immediate return to England, it would have been Lord Liverpool's wish to have referred your memorial to him, as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with which you executed a mission undertaken at his desire. Lord Liverpool will, however, transmit it to Sir James Craig's successor in the Government, with an assurance that, from the recommendations he has received in your neous. I abilities made me anxious to serve you, even before I The impression I had received of your character and had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, and the same desire has operated on me ever since; I may have given you, as to your best mode of obtainam, therefore, entitled to hope that any opinion which ing an employment under Government, will be received with the same candor that gave rise to it. I think you will do well to persevere, as you propose. I have no doubt that every letter from you, which Sir James sent home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the established practice there is to bind the despatches and enclosures yearly up together. JOHN HENRY, Esq., &c. H. W. RYLAND. Mr. Henry to Mr Peel. SIR: I have just learned the ultimate decision of ROBERT PEEL, Esq., &c. Despatch of Lord Liverpool to Sir George Prevost. DOWNING STREET, Sept. 16, 1811. SIR: Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of delivering this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to |