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H. OF R.
and I should seize the first moment to open a corre- lawful voyage, the British cruisers should treat the spondence with your Excellency. Scarcely any other American ships in this manner, their owners would, in aid would be necessary, and perhaps none required, the present state of the European markets, think them. than a few vessels of war from the Halifax station, to selves very fortuuate, as it would save them the trouprotect the maritime towns from the little Navy which ble and expense of landing them in a neutral port, and is at the disposal of the National Government. What from thence reshipping them to England, now the best permanent connexion between Great Britain and this market in Europe for the produce of this country. section of the Republic would grow out of a civil com- The Government of the United States would probably motion, such as might be expected, no person is pre- complain, and Bonaparto become peremptory; but pared to describe ;, but it seems that a strict alliance even that would only tend to render the opposition in must result of necessity. At present the opposition the Northern States more resolute, and accelerate the party confine their calculations merely to resistance ; dissolution of the confederacy. The generosity and and I can assure you that, at this moment, they do not justice of Great Britain would be extolled; and the freely entertain the project of withdrawing the Eastern commercial States exult in the success of individuals States from the Union, finding it a very unpopular over a Government inimical to commerce, and to whose topic; although a course of events, such as I have al measures they can no longer submit with patient acready mentioned, would inevitably produce an incura- quiescence. The elections are begun; and I presume ble alienation of the New England from the Southern no vigilance or industry will be remitted to insure the States.
success of the Federal party. I am, &c. The truth is, the common people have so long re
A. B. garded the Constitution of the United States with com- P. S. Intelligence has reached Boston that a nonplacency, that they are now only disposed in this quar- intercourse law has actually passed, and that Martiater to treat it like a truant mistress, whom they would, ique has surrendered to British forces. for a time, put away on a separate maintenance, but,
No. 9.' without further and greater provocation, would not absolutely repudiate.
Boston, March 13, 1809. It will soon be known in what situation public affairs reach you in the public papers, both from Washington
Sir: You will perceive, from the accounts that will are to remain until the meeting of the New Congress and Massachusetts, that the Federalists of the Northin May, at which time, also, this Legislature will again assemble. The two months that intervene will be a pe- lieve that, with such an opposition as they would make
ern States have succeeded in making the Congress beriod of much anxiety.
In all I have written I have been careful not to make to the General Government, a war must be confined to any impression analogous to the enthusiastic confidence their own territory, and might be even too much for entertained by the opposition, nor to the hopes and ex
that Government to sustain. The consequence is, that, pectations that animate the friends of an alliance be after all the parade and menaces with which the sestween the Northern States and Great Britain.
sion commenced, it has been suffered to end without I have abstracted myself from all the sympathies carrying into effect any of the plans of the Administhese are calculated to inspire ; because, notwithstand-tration, except the interdiction of commercial intering that I feel the utmost confidence in the integrity
course with England and France, an event that wa of intention of the leading characters in this political
anticipated in my former letters. drama, I cannot forget that they derive their power
Under what new circumstances the Congress will from a giddy, inconstant multitude; who, unless in meet in May, will depend on the State elections and the instance under consideration they form an excep the changes that may in the mean time take place in tion to all general rules and experience, will act incon Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarcesistently and absurdly. I am yours, &c.
ly mistake her true policy in relation to America. If A. B.
peace be the first object, every act which can irritate
the maritime States ought to be avoided, because the No. 8.
prevailing disposition of these will generally be suffiBoston, March 9, 1809. cient to keep the Government from hazarding any hosSır: In my letter No. 6, I took the liberty to express
If a war between America and France my opinion of the probable effect of the non-intercourse be the grand desideratum, something more must be law, intended to be enacted; and of the mode by which done: an indulgent and conciliatory policy must be Great Britain may defeat the real intention of the adopted, which will leave the Democrats without a preAmerican Government in passing it. But as this sort text for hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are of impunity reconemended might, in its application to too hot for delay, will probably compel this Government every species of commerce that would be carried on, to decide which of the two great belligerents is to be be deemed by Great Britain a greater evil than war its enemy. To bring about a separation of the States, itself, a middle course might easily be adopted, which under distinct and independent Governments, is an would deprive France of the benefits resulting from an affair of more uncertainty, and, however desirable, canintercourse with America, without, in any great de- not be effected but by a series of acts and a long congree, irritating the maritime Stateş.
tinued policy tending to irritate the Southern and conThe high price of all American produce in France ciliate the Northern people. The former are agriculfurnishes a temptation which mercantile avarice will tural, the latter a commercial people. The mode of be unable to resist. The consequence is obvious. But cherishing and depressing cither is too obvious to if, instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which require illustration. This, I am aware, is an object of may be arrested in pursuing this prohibited commerce, much interest in Great Britain, as it would forever sethey should be compelled to go into a British port, and cure the integrity of His Majesty's possessions on this there permitted to sell them, I think the friends of Continent, and make the two Governments, or whatEngland in these States would not utter a complaint. ever number the present confederacy might form into, Indeed, I have no doubt that if, in the prosecution of a | as useful and as much subject to the influence of Great
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Britain as her Colonies can be rendered. But it is an temper of the actors. A war attempted without the object only to be attained by slow and circumspect concurrence of both parties, and the general consent of progression, and requires, for its consummation, more the Northern States, which constitute the bone and attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties muscle of the country, must commence without hope, in this country than Great Britain has yet bestowed and end in disgrace. It should, therefore, be the
peculiar care of Great Britain to foster divisions beAn unpopular war, that is, a war produced by the iween the North and South, and, by succeeding in hatred and prejudices of one party, but against the this, she may carry into effect her own projects in consent of the other party, can alone produce a sudden Europe, with a total disregard of the resentments of separation of any section of this country from the com- the democrats of this country. I am, &c. A. B. mon head.
No. 11. At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preserva. tion of peace that Great Britain should make any
Boston, April 13, 1809. great concession at the present moment, more especi
Sir: I send to Mr. R a pamphlet entitled ally, as the more important changes that occur in Eu- “Suppressed Documents.” The notes and comments rope might render it inconvenient for her to adhere to
were written by the gentleman who has written the any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime nations.
analysis which I sent by a former conveyance. These Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very works have greatly contributed to excite the fears of partial relief to the people of this country from the evils the men of talents and property, who now prefer the of that entire suspension of commerce to which they chance of maintaining their party by open resistance have reluctantly submitted for some time past, I lament and a final separation, to an alliance with France and a the repeal of the embargo, because it was calcalated to
war with England; so that, should the Government accelerate the progress of these States towards a revo unexpectedly, and contrary to all reasonable calculalution that would have put an end to the only Repub- tion, attempt to involve the country in a measure of lic that remains to prove that a Government founded that nature, I am convinced (now that the elections on political equality can exist in a season of trial and have all terminated favorably) that none of the New difficulty, or is calculated to insure either security or England States would be a party in it. But, as I happiness to a people. I am, &c.
have repeatedly written, the General Government does A. B.
not seriously entertain any such desire or intention. No. 10.
Had the majority in the New England States con
tinued to approve of the public measures, it is ex. Bostos, March 29, 1809.
tremely probable that Great Britain would now have Sir : Since my letter of the 13th, nothing has occur. to choose between war and concession. But the asred which I thought worthy of a communication.
pect of things in this respect is changed, and a war The last weeks of this month, and the first of April, would produce an incurable alienation of the Eastern will be occupied in the election of Governors and other States, and bring the whole country in subordination executive officers in the New England States.
to the interests of England, whose navy would preThe Federal candidate in New Hampshire is already scribe and enforce the terms upon which the commerelected by a majority of about one thousand votes. His cial States should carry, and the agricultural States competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive con
export, their surplus produce. All this is as well nexions, and inoffensive manners. These account for known to the democrats as to the other party; therethe smallness of the majority.
fore, they will avoid a war, at least until the whole In Connecticut no change is necessary, and none is nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we consider of to be apprehended.
what materials 'the Government is formed, it is imposIn Rhode Island it is of no consequence of what sible to speak with any certainty of their measures. party the Governor is a member, as he has neither civil The past Administration, in every transaction, presents nor military power, being merely President of the
to the mind only a muddy commixture of folly, weakCouncil.
ness, and duplicity. The spell by which the nations In Massachusetts it is certain that the Federal can- of Europe have been rendered inert and inefficient, didate will succeed.
when they attempted to shake it off, has stretched its A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine shadows across the Atlantic, and made a majority of the relative strength of parties, and convince Mr. the people of these States alike blind to duty and to Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a meas their true interests. I am, &c.
A. B. ure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized opposition to the projects of Mr. Jeffer
No. 12. son was put into operation, the whole of the New
Boston, April 26, 1809. England States have transferred their political power Sir : Since my letter No. 11, I have had but little to his political enemies; and the reason that he has to communicate. still so many adherents is, that those who consider the I have not yet been able to ascertain, with sufficient only true policy of America to consist in the cultiva- accuracy, the relative strength of the two parties in the tion of peace, have still great confidence that nothing legislative bodies in New England. can force him (or his successor, who acts up to his In all of these States, however, Governors have been system, or rather is governed by it,) to consent to war. elected out of the Federal party, and even the SouthThey consider all the menaces and “ dreadful note of ern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of preparation” to be a mere finesse, intended only to Federal members in the next Congress. obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the From every sort of evidence, I confess I am myself of Secretary of State at Washington you will have seen the same opinion, and am fully persuaded that this before this can reach you. It has given much satisfarce, which has been acting at Washington, will ter- faction to the Federal party here, because it promises minate in a full proof of the imbecility and spiritless | an exemption from the evil most feared, (a war with
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England,) and justifies their partiality towards Great State; all form an assemblage of probabilities tending Britain, which they maintain was founded upon a full to convince me, at least, that he does not seriously conviction of her justice, and sincere disposition to pre- desire a treaty in which the rights and pretensions of serve peace. Even the democrats affect to be satisfied Great Britain would be fairly recognised. It seems with it; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy impossible that he should at once divest himself of his of the restrictive system of Mr. Jefferson.
habitual animosity, and that pride of opinion which But the great benefit that will probably result from his present situation enables him to indulge ; but, it will be, that Bonaparte may be induced to force this above all, that he should deprive his friends and supcountry from her neutral position. Baffled in his at- porters of the benefit of those prejudices which have tempts to exclude from the Continent the manufactures been carefully fostered in the minds of the common of Great Britain, he will most likely confiscate all people towards England, and which have so materially American property in his dominions and dependencies, contributed to invigorate and augment the democratic and declare war. Nothing could more than this con- party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is, in tribute to give influence and stability to the British this stage of the affair, harmless enough to inquire into party. The invidious occurrences of the rebellion the cause of the apparent change. He probably acts would be forgotten in the resentment of the people under a conviction that, in the present temper of the against France, and they would soon be wcaned from Eastern States, a war could not fail to produce a disthat attachment to her which is founded on the aid solution of the Union; or he may have profited by the that was rendered to separate from the mother country. mistakes of his predecessor, and is inclined to seize the While Great Britain waits for this natural, I might say present opportunity to prove to the world that he is necessary, result of the negotiation, would it not be determined to be the President of a nation, rather than extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the the head of a faction; or he has probably gone thus American Government? Every sort of evidence and far to remove the impression on the minds of many experience prove that the democrats consider their po- that he was under the influence of France, in order litical ascendancy in a great measure dependent on that he may, with a better grace, and on more tenable the hostile spirit that they can keep alive towards grounds, quarrel with Great Britain in the progress of Great Britain, and recent events demonstrate that their negotiating a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, conduct will be predicated upon that conviction; it is, I am very certain his party will not support him in therefore, not to be expected that they will meet, with any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure corresponding feelings, a sincere disposition on the to temporize when great events call upon them for depart of England to adjust all matters in dispute. They cision, and are sluggish and inert at the moment are at heart mortified and disappointed to find that when the worst of evils is in action. This is the Great Britain has been in advance of the French Gov. character of the democrats in the Northern States. Of ernment in taking advantage of the provisional clauses those of the South I know but little. I am, &c. of the non-intercourse law; and if they show any spirit
A. B. at the next session of Congress towards France, it will
No. 14. be only because they will find Bonaparte deaf to en.
Boston, May 25, 1809. treaty and insensible of past favors; or that they may Sır: My last was under date of the 5th instant. think it safer to float with the tide of public feeling: The unexpected change that has taken place in the which will set strongly against bim unless he keep pari feelings of political men in this country, in consepassu with England in a conciliatory policy.
quence of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the I am, &c.
friendly proposals of Great Britain, has caused a tem. No. 13.
porary suspension of the conflict of parties; and they Boston, May 5, 1809. both regard him with equal wonder and distrust. Sir: Although the recent changes that have occur- They all ascribe his conduct to various motives, but red quiet all apprehension of war, and, consequently, nore believe him to be in earnest. lessen all hope of a separation of the States, I think it
The State of New York has returned to the Asæm. necessary to transmit by the mail of each week a sketch bly a majority of federal members. All this proves of passing events.
that an anti-commercial faction cannot rule the NorthOn local politics I have nothing to add; and as the ern States. Two months ago the State of New York parade that is made in the National Intelligencer of was not ranked among the States that would adopt the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to preserve ami- the policy of that of Massachusetts; and any farorable cable relations with Great Britain is, in my opinion, cal change was exceedingly problematical. culated to awaken vigilance and distrust, rather than
I beg leave to suggest that, in the present state of inspire confidence, I shall (having nothing more im- things in this country, my presence can contribute portant to write about,) take leave to examine his very little to the interests of Great Britain. If Mr. motives.
Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by His I am not surprised at his conditional removal of the Majesty's ministers, it is unnecessary for me, as indeed non-intercourse law, with respect to Great Britain, be it would be unavailing, to make any attempt to carry cause it was made incumbent on him by the act of into effect the original purposes of my mission. While Congress; but the observations made on his friendly I think it to be my duty to give this intimation to you, disposition towards Great Britain is a matter of no I beg it may be understood that I consider myself enlittle astonishment. The whole tenor of his political tirely at the disposal of His Majesty's Government. I life directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His am, &c.
A. B. speech on the British Treaty in 1796; his attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of “ British debts” and
No. 15. British property; his commercial resolutions, grounded
MoxtaxAL, June 12, 1809. apparently on an idea of making America useful as a Sir: I have the honor to inform your Excellency colony to France; his conduct while Secretary of that I received, through Mr. Secretary Ryland, your
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Excellency's commands to return to Canada; and after shall scarcely have heart to look into them. I can add the delay incident to this season of the year, in a jour, no more, but that I am, most heartily and affectionately, ney from Boston, arrived here yesterday.
H. W. R. Your Excellency will have seen, by the papers of J. HENRY, Esq., Boston. the latest dates from the United States, that a formida. ble opposition is already organized in Congress to the late measures of Mr. Madison ; and it is very evident
Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. that, if he be sincere in his professions of attachment
Mar 4, 1809. to Great Britain, his party will abandon him. Sixty
My Dear Sir: You must consider the short letter one members have already voted against a resolution I wrote to you by the last post as altogether unofficial; to approve of what he has done ; and I have no doubt but I am now to intimate to you, in a more formal the rest of the democratic party will follow the example manner, our hope of your speedy return, as the object as soon as they recover from the astonishment into of your journey seems, for the present at least, to be at which his apparent defection has thrown them. an end. The present hopes of the Federalists are founded on
We have London news, by the way of the river, up the probability of a war with France; but, at all events, to the 6th of March, which tallies to a day with what this party is strong and well organized enough to pre- we have received by the way of the States. vent a war with England
Heartily wishing you a safe and speedy journey back It would be now superfluous to trouble your Excel. to us, I am, my dear sir, most sincerely, yours, lency with an account of the nature and extent of the
H. W. R. arrangements made by the Federal party to resist any Have the goodness to bring my books with you, attempt of the Government unfavorable to Great Brit- though I shall have little spirit to look into them, unain. They were such as do great credit to their ability less you bring good news from Spain. and principles; and, while a judicious policy is ob John Henry, Esq. served by Great Britain, secure her interests in America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of His Majesty's Government in their effici
Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel. ciency and eventual success, may have inclined me to
June 13, 1811. refrain from doing them that justice in my former let SIR: I take the liberty to enclose to you'a memorial ters which I willingly take the present occasion to ex. addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, and beg you will press.
have the goodness either to examine the documents in I trust your Excellency will ascribe the style and your office, or those in my own possession, touching the manner of my communications, and the frequent am extent and legitimacy of my claim. biguities introduced in them, as arising from the secrecy Mr. Ryland, the Secretary of Sir J. Craig, is now in necessary to be observed, and my consciousness that London, and, from his official knowledge of the transacyou understand my meaning, on the most delicate tions and facts alluded to in the memorial, can give points, without risking a particular explanation. any information required on that subject, I have the I lament that no occasion commensurate to my honor to be, &c.
J. H. wishes has permitted me to prove how much I value Memorial of Mr. Henry to Lord Liverpool. the confidence of your Excellency, and the approbation already expressed by His Majesty's Minister. I have lowing statement and memorial to the Earl of Liver
The undersigned most respectfully submits the folthe honor to be, &c.
pool : ferred to in the letter of H. W. Ryland, Esq., dated Lordship's predecessor, the undersigned bestowed much
Long before and during the administration of your May 1, 1809, relating to the mission in which I was personal attention to the state of parties, and to the employed by Sir James Craig, by his letter of instruc- political measures in the United States of America. tions, bearing date February 6, 1809.
Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, when
His Majesty's Governor General of British America Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry.
had reason to believe that the two countries would be QUEBEC, May, 1, 1809. involved in a war, and had submitted to His Majesty's My Dear Sir: The news we have received this day Ministers the arrangements of the English party in the from the States will, I imagine, soon bring you back United States for an efficient resistance to the General to us; and if you arrive at Montreal by the middle of Government, which would probably terminate in a June, I shall probably have the pleasure of meeting you separation of the Northern States from the general there, as I am going up with Sir James and a large Confederacy, he applied to the undersigned to undersuite. The last letters received from you are to the 13th take a mission to Boston, where the whole concerns of April. The whole are now transcribing, for the pur- the opposition were managed. The object of the mispose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of do- sion was to promote and encourage the Federal party ing you great credit, and I most certainly hope they to resist the measures of the General Government, to may eventually contribute to your permanent advan offer assurances of aid and support from His Majesty's tage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurance that Government of Canada, and to open a communication no effort within the compass of my power shall be want between the leading men engaged in that opposition ing to this end,
and the Governor General, upon such a footing as I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old England circumstances might suggest; and, finally, to render truckling to such a debased and accursed Government the plans then in contemplation subservient to the as that of the United States.
views of His Majesty's Government. I am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have The undersigned undertook the mission, which lasted taken in procuring the books, though, if Spain fails, I | from the month of January to the month of June, in
clusive, during which period those public acts and favor, and the opinion he has formed on your correslegislative resolutions of the Assemblies of Massachu- pondence, he is convinced the public service will be besetts and Connecticut were passed which kept the nefited by your active employment in a public situation. General Government of the United States in check, Lord Liverpool will also feel himself bound to give and deterred it from carrying into execution the meas- the same assurance to the Marquis Wellesley, if there ures of hostility with which Great Britain was me. is any probability that it will advance the success of naced.
the application which you have made to his Lordship. For his services on the occasions herein recited, and I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, the loss of time and expenses incurred, the under
ROBERT PEEL. signed neither sought nor received any compensation, J. Henry, Esq., No. 27, Leicester Square. but trusted to the known justice and liberality of His Majesty's Government for the reward of services
Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry. which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in
Tuespar Evening, July 2, 1811. pounds, shillings, and pence. On the patronage and support which was promised in the letter of Sir J. that the apprehension I had formed with respect to the
My Dear HENKY: It gives me real pleasure to find Craig, under date of the 26th January, 1809, (wherein fulfilment of your expectations is likely to prove errohe gives an assurance “that the former correspondence and political information transmitted by the una mission, was in writing, I think you will do well sub
As everything which passed, relative to your dersigned had met with the particular approbation of mitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers. I myself His Majesty's Secretary of State ; and that his exe could give no other information relative to the subject, cution of the mission, proposed to be undertaken in than what they contain, as you and I had no opportathat letter, would give him a claim not only on the Governor General
, but on His Majesty's Ministers,") nity of any verbal communication respecting it till after the undersigned has relied, and now most respectfully ter in the Governor's name, which had not previously
your mission terminated, and I never wrote you a letclaims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may been submitted to his correction. be pleased to adopt.
The impression I had received of your character and The undersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir J. Craig promised him an em, had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you,
abilities made me anxious to serve you, even before I ployment in Canada, worth upwards of one thousand and the same desire has operated on me ever since: ! pounds a year, by his letter, herewith transmitted, under date of September 13, 1809, which he has just I may have given you, as to your best mode of obtain
am, therefore, entitled to hope that any opinion which learned has, in consequence of his absence, been given ing an employment under Government, will be received to another person. The undersigned abstains from with the same candor that gave rise to it. I think you commenting on this transaction, and most respectfully will do well to persevere, as you propose. I have no suggests that the appointment of Judge, Advocate doubt that every letter from you, which Sir James sent General of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of five hundred pounds
a year, or a Consulate home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the estab in the United States, sine curia, would be considered lished practice there is to bind the despatches and en
closures yearly up together. by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that
H. W. RYLAND. His Majesty's Government may entertain in relation
Joon Henry, Esq., &c. to his services.
Mr. Henry to Mr Peel. Mr. Peel, Secretary to Lord Liverpool, to. Mr. Henry.
27, LEICESTER SQUARE, LOxdor, DowninG STREET, June 28, 1811.
September 4, 1811. Sir: I have not failed to lay before the Earl of Sir: I have just learned the ultimate decision of Liverpool the memorial, together with several enclo- my Lord Wellesley, relative to the appointment which sures, which was delivered to me a few days since by I was desirous to obtain; and find that the subsisting General Loft, at your desire.
relations between the two countries forbid the creating His Lordship has directed me to acquaint you that a new office in the United States, such as I was sohe has referred to the correspondence in this office of licitous to obtain. In this state of things I have not a the year 1809, and finds two letters from Sir James moment to lose in returning to Canada ; and have Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the taken my passage in the last and only ship that sails correspondence that has passed during your residence for Quebec this season. As I have not time to enter in the Northern States of America, and expressing his (de novo) into explanations with the gentleman who confidence in your ability and judgment, but Lord is in your office, and as I have received the assurances Liverpool has not discovered any wish on the part of from you, in addition to the letter of my Lord LiverSir James Craig that your claims for compensation pool, of the 27th June, that “his Lordship would reshould be referred to this country, nor indeed is allu- 1 commend me to the Governor of Canada for the first sion made to any kind of arrangement or agreement vacant situation that I would accept," I beg the favor that had been made by that officer with you.
of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendaUnder these circumstances, and had not Sir James tion without loss of time. I have the honor to be, &e Craig determined on his immediate return to England,
J. HENRY. it would have been Lord Liverpool's wish to have re- Robert Psel, Esq., &c. ferred your memorial to him, as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with which you executed a mission undertaken at his desire. Lord
Despatch of Lord Liverpool to Sir George Prevost. Liverpool will, however, transmit it to Sir James Craig's
Downing STREET, Sept. 16, 1811. successor in the Government, with an assurance that, Sir: Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of defrom the recommendations he has received in your livering this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to