Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB
[ocr errors]
[blocks in formation]

rest upon the fortune of war; but a single act of neglect or misconduct would certainly deprive the Administration of the public confidence.

SENATE.

"QUEBEC, November 18.

a view to the destruction of the Lion.

"President's Message.--Happily the expectation of Mr. Madison's speech steps in opportunely, as someIf, sir, Great Britain should get possession of thing of an antidote to the effect of the European New York and New Orleans, and you should get dearth. From that speech shall we learn that the possession of Canada, you would be very glad to terrible being, John Bull, does not suffer his thousand make the exchange upon the termination of the armed vessels, manned and equipped at an enormous war. Therefore, take care of these two points. expense, to lie wholly idle; but that they are guilty of Mr. G. said, he also requested the honorable the audacious tyranny of being, in some degree, a Secretary to consult with the President, and in- check on the violent inclinations of Dame Columbia to form him, as the President's Secretary, whether extend her arms to cherish, aid, and assist her admired the President wished to have the number of men hero, Napoleon, in effecting John's annihilation. Much reduced? or whether he had a preference for any Ocean is not powerful to no purpose, and does not dewill the speech complain that the Sovereign of the other number? The reply, after the consultation, scend to, and put himself on a level with the imbecility very properly, was, that the President had no of the United States, with their dozen ships. Unparopinion to offer on that point. He considered it donable is the grievance that the Leviathan is not as a subject of legislative discretion, &c. Of course powerless as the Cod: that the Jackall, whom nature any informal Executive views ought not to be meant for the Lion's provider, is not permitted to substituted for our own discretion and responsi-divert its provender to the support of the Tiger, with bility. Mr. G. said, he knew it had been suggested, and perhaps from very high authority, that no- "The speech may not say these things in direct thing was necessary to induce Great Britain to re- terms; but such will, unquestionably, be its meaning: cede from her aggressions, but to convince her, "With syllogisms 'twill make a clatter, that, instead of opposing to them inefficient com- With abstract rights three-deckers batter; mercial resrictions, they would be resisted with An empty purse at millions shake, physical force; and that raising ten thousand men And no trade 'gainst a free trade stake: would produce this conviction, without incurring Of rotting produce count the gain, further expense. This suggestion furnished some A seaboard boast shut from the main; of his strongest objections to limiting the force to To seamen recommend the loom, be raised to ten thousand men. So far from 'proAnd on each mast to fix the broom; ducing that conviction on the British Cabinet, he Merchants, for lack of foreign wares, was convinced it would produce precisely the To retail apples, plums, and pears." opposite effect. The British Cabinet would look Limit all your mighty efforts to ten thousand at the means provided for effecting the object, as men, and it will afford a better subject for another the best evidence of the object itself. And as pasquinade, than the President's Message had these means would be viewed so utterly inade-done for the one just read. He should not have quate to the purposes of war, the Cabinet would necessarily conclude that we were not in earnest, that we were joking, even upon the most serious subject; that war was not intended, and would not be resorted to under any circumstances. This impression, the necessary result of our former measures, has become so general, both at home and abroad, that we have much to do to retrieve our lost reputation; we do not stand upon original ground. Our measures must be of a very different character from what they have been to produce the desired conviction, either at home or abroad. Having changed our principle of action, from commercial restrictions to physical force, limiting that force to ten thousand men would be, in his judgment, as much trifling with the energies of the nation, as inefficient commercial restrictions had heretofore been trifling with the character and interests of the nation, and he feared was dictated by the same unfortunate imbecile spirit and policy. Mr. G. said, that whilst upon this part of the subject, he begged to be excused for reading a few paragraphs from a newspaper, which he accidentally picked up last evening, containing the annunciation of the President's Message at Quebec, the very point to which the proposed force might probably be directed. It fully demonstrates the impressions existing there, and which have been produced by our former

measures.

ventured to read these paragraphs to the Senate, however, if these impressions were merely local. But he believed similar impressions pervaded Europe and America, and had unfortunately found their way into the French and British Cabinets. Nor should he have thought these sarcasms worth regard, were it not for the truisms with which they were pointed. When the Duc de Cadore, upon his review of our proceedings, told us officially that he would have expected more from a Jamaica Assembly, he thought it both impertinent and insolent; but the point of the offence was a consciousness that it was too much like the truth. It is a truism which forms the sting of every sarcasm. We find the Emperor Napoleon, too, acting under these same impressions, when he seizes and confiscates your property, without even a plausible pretext. The only ground upon which he acted, was a conviction that you would not resent it, and he, therefore, might plunder with impunity. The same impressions direct the British Cabinet in its "inflexible hostility," and its war upon our commerce, both in character and effect, "brought home to the threshold of our territory." If our protracted moderation, wonderful moderation, &c., by which he presumed were meant our feeble contrivances for the last three years, and of which, he feared, the requisition of ten thousand men was a breach, both in spirit and policy,

[blocks in formation]

should still be continued, he believed it would degenerate into something of a very different character, and would receive a very different denomination from the public.

1

DECEMBER, 1811.

tions, not of Great Britain. Great Britain has had her share of the spoils also..

Let us then not undervalue our enemy. Sir, this project of limiting our efforts to ten thousand Mr. G. begged the Senate to turn its atten- men, seems to be too much upon the plan of a tion to the means of resistance now actually in scarecrow, and it appears to be regarded in that Canada, which would probably be opposed to the light by some gentlemen. He said Great Britain contemplated force. From the best information was the last nation on earth, that he would underhe could obtain, the British had at this time in take to frighten with scarecrows; besides, even Canada from seven to ten thousand regular troops, upon the scarecrow plan, he should suppose that and from twelve to fifteen thousand well appoint-twenty-five thousand men would be better than ed, well furnished militia, drawn from a population of nearly three hundred thousand souls. If, therefore, your troops could be ready to act in the Spring before the breaking up of the ice, and Before the British could throw further succors into that country, it appeared to him there would be very good employment for twenty thousand men in subduing this force and population; and, if undertaken with fewer men, a failure of the enterprise would probably be the consequence. Besides, sir, we should recollect that Great Britain is the same Great Britain we encountered in 1775, 1776, &c.; and although some gentlemen seemed to suppose that she was fully occupied with her European war; that she was impoverished, fighting for her existence, &c., and of course had at command very little disposable force, he viewed the subject very differently.

ten thousand. Mr. G. said he disliked this project extremely, from another consideration, which it forcibly impressed upon his mind. It must evidently have been recommended by that same spirit and policy which had heretofore relied upon the chapter of accidents for success, and not upon our own energies and resources. It seems to have been founded on the hope that Great Britain would recede without an effort on our part. It is a fallacious hope. The hope itself will always defeat its own object, by avoiding the means to insure its own success.

Mr. G. said we had enjoyed a long course of prosperity, but we ought not to calculate upon perpetual exemption from the common calamities of nations. When days of adversity shall arrive, we should meet them with becoming fortitude and energy. He deprecated that spirit which apIt is true Great Britain is engaged with a formi- that is passed, as if it feared to look adversity in peared to be longing and whining after prosperity dable enemy; but hitherto she has greatly the ad- the face. Mr. President, when adversity comes, vantage in the war. Where has she lost one inch you must look her in the face; yes, sir, you must of territory? What acquisitions of territory and stare her out of countenance; you must meet her population has she not made, both in the East with courage, and with means sufficient to suband West Indies? What obstacles is she now due her. Mr. President, if after we have been opposing to the occupation of the Southern Pe- solemnly called together to receive communicaninsula by her enemy? So far from her populations of great and weighty matters, and after our tion being diminished at home, it appeared to be meeting have been told that our independence is greatly increased by the last census, notwith-at hazard, that there is actual war, both in charstanding all the distresses and starvations we have heard of, &c. Count the number of French and English prisoners, and you will find that Great Britain had the advantage of perhaps ten to one. Her fleet is unrivalled; of course left more free to act than at any time during the Revolutionary war. He, therefore, concluded that we should have to contend now with the same Great Britain we did then, with renovated powers and resources. Yet to this Power it is proposed to oppose only ten thousand additional troops. Mr. G. said it was uncertain how long Great Britain might keep her army upon the Peninsula; but whenever it shall be withdrawn, either by choice or necessity, she will have a formidable disposable force in numbers, skill, and bravery; and whether she withdraws that army or not, you will find that she will command a respectable force for the protection of Canada, if you wait for the breaking up of the ice, which now envelopes all the avenues of that country. Time, therefore, is all-important, and not a moment for preparations ought to be lost.

acter and effect, upon our lawful commerce,
brought home to the threshold of our territory;
that rights are trampled upon, which no indepen-
dent nation can relinquish, &c.; when, in short,
our wrongs are painted in such glowing terms,
as to have set the whole nation on fire-if, after
all this, we should taper down to providing ten
thousand men to subdue such a crisis, would it
not be a wonderful discovery in the art of sinking?
Would it not undervalue the resources and ener-
gies of the nation? Would it not insult and deceive
the national spirit and expectations? Whether
he viewed this subject in reference to the inter-
ests of the nation, or the party in power, he should
equally protest against this little miserable policy
of resorting to means so utterly incompetent to
the
objects. He cautioned the party in power
now, as he often had done before, against longer
sporting with the national sensibility, the national
character, and the national interests.

Mr. G. said, in making the calculations of the degree of force required, the committee was precluded from taking into the estimate any auxiliary France, it is true, has astonishingly aggran- force to be derived from the militia; because an dized herself during the existing war in Europe; impression appeared to be almost universally enbut it has been done at the expense of other na-tertained, that Congress could not constitutionally

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

curred with the other experienced military gentlemen in these respects.

Mr. G. said, upon an impartial view of all the considerations he had the honor to suggest, he thought it was demonstrated, that the force proposed was not more than competent to the objects of the Government; and that a smaller number would correspond neither with the national spirit nor expectations. He would therefore proceed to consider, whether the number proposed exceeded the national capacity to furnish.

It will appear, said Mr. G., from the census lately taken, that the population of the United States is perhaps not less than seven and an half millions of souls. Now, sir, this must be a population of a most extraordinary character, and under the influence of a government of a most extraordinary organization, if it cannot command the services of thirty five thousand men, upon the most extraordinary exigencies. But we are not without a memorable experiment upon the popu

command the services of the militia beyond the limits of the United States; of course, the regular force must be proportionally augmented. He said, although he believed he stood single and alone, he protested against this doctrine. He did not propose now to examine this question, because it would be useless. He would, however, read the clause of the Constitution, which gave to Congress the power of calling forth the militia, and make one or two remarks on it. Congress shall have power "to provide for calling forth the militia, to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections, and repel invasions." The first object for which the militia may be called forth, is to execute the laws of the Union. A law declaring war, is a law of the Union; and if the war is to be carried on beyond the limits of the United States, it is still a law to be executed, although beyond the limits of the United States; and he could see no reason why the militia could not be called forth to execute it. Indeed, it is one of those laws to the execution of which force is in-lation and Government of the United States, at dispensably and properly applicable; and if the laws can have a legitimate influence beyond the limits of the United States, the power of Congress over the militia must be co-extensive with the laws, which are thus required to be executed. He would only observe further, that when this subject was more particularly brought into discussion upon a former occasion, it was said, that even in Great Britain, the militia could not be ordered out of Great Britain; no, not even to Ireland. But it should now be recollected, that since that time, the British Parliament, without even a question as to the right, has ordered British militia to Ireland, and Irish militia to Great Britain. Twenty-six regiments are said to be transposed at this time.

a former period. In 1775, 1776, we commenced the Revolutionary war with Great Britain, with a population very little, if at all, exceeding two millions of souls.* Let us see the number of regular troops, not merely voted, but actually brought into the field, and paid for their services during the whole of that war. They are as follow: Total in pay, in 1775, 27,443; in 1776, 46,891; in 1777, 34,820; 1779, 27,699; 1780, 21,015; 1781, 13,292; 1782, 14,256; 1783, 13,476. These are the regular troops actually in pay, exclusive of militia.

In making this comparative estimate, he was willing, in these degenerate days, to give two, nay, three for one, over the population of 1775 and 1776; and it would appear, that the committee had Mr. G. said, that in considering the peculiar not drawn upon the existing population beyond geographical situation of the United States, with moderation. With a double, nay threefold popucolonies at each end of them, belonging to pow-lation; with more than quadrupled pecuniary reerful distant nations, with which we may be often brought into collision, it would be unfortunate for the United States if the militia bordering on the lines of separation could not be called forth for any purpose of chastisement, or any other object the Government might have in view, in relation to those colonies or their respective mother countries. If such be the unfortunate organization or interpretation of the Constitution, an amendment for remedying so important a defect ought to be instantly proposed and adopted. Its inconvenience is now sensibly felt, in precluding all reliance upon that important auxiliary force. Gentlemen, however, purpose to remedy this defect, by a volunteer force. Mr. G said, he would not reject, nor did he mean to disparage, this species of force. But, from the nature of its organization, it cannot be suited to offensive war, nor to the occupation of a country after it should be taken. He had been told too, by military gentlemen, without exception, that it was always found to be the most expensive and least efficient force. He hardly expected to have heard it relied upon for the contemplated object, by the honorable mover, because he thought gentlemen con

sources; with a capacity for furnishing munitions of war above one hundred fold, the committee proposed to draw upon the existing population for thirty-five thousand regular troops in the whole. In 1776 there were actually in the field and paid, forty-six thousand eight hundred and ninety-one regular troops, exclusive of militia. Great Britain, with a population of but little more than double that of the United States; laboring too under a debt of more than seven hundred millions of pounds sterling, has, at this time, in her land and naval service, perhaps, three hundred thousand men; yet an alarm seems to be produced here by a proposition to call into the service of the United States thirty-five thousand men. This too for repelling the aggressions of the same Great Britain we encountered in 1775 and 1776; and for the same cause. Yes, sir; it is as much a question of independence now, as it was then. It was then a question, whether Great Britain should impose a tax of

* Population of the United States, at four several periods, viz: 1780, 2,051,000; 1790, 3,929,326; 1800, 5,308,666; 1810, 7,239,903.

SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

gentlemen who express so much concern for the Treasury Department, tell us that the gentleman at the head of that Department possesses the most splendid financial talents, &c. Mr. G. said, he hoped he did; and he was not disposed to detract aught from this impression; but he could not help remarking that he should feel more confidence in that gentleman's financial reputation, if it were founded more on facts, and less on rumor and anticipation. The honorable Secretary's financial reputation was made to his hands by others. He had little or no share in it. He has

three pence per pound on tea, when in our colonial state. It is now a question whether Great Britain shall regulate by force the whole of our commerce, in contempt and violation of the laws of nations, when we affect to be in an independent state. If, sir, our fathers had condescended to calculate the costs of a tax of three pence on a pound of tea, compared with the costs of the war for achieving our independence, as some of their sons are now doing with respect to the value of our commerce submitted to the regulation of Great Britain, we should not now have it in our power to degrade their memories, by the profli-annually given us the most lucid views of the gate abandonment of the independence achieved amount and manner of revenue received at the for us by the profusion of their blood and treasure. Treasury, which was provided by others, and the And what, sir, became of the forty-six thousand manner in which it has been disbursed for the eight hundred and ninety one men raised to op- purposes of the Government. But this is no difpose Great Britain in 1776 ? We know they ficult task, and is no evidence of financial skill, were often compelled to fly before superior Brit- which he understood to consist in the faculty of ish forces, and by the waste of the war and short getting the most money into the Treasury, with enlistments, were reduced in 1783, to 13,476. Yet the least inconvenience to the contributors. He we seem now to be willing to fall into this same was not disposed, however, to complain of this fatal error-and for what? and for what cause? inactivity on the part of the honorable Secretary, From groundless and visionary fears of the pos- because the Government had never called upon sible influence of regular troops upon our liber-him for greater exertions, and, perhaps, had no ties. But, sir, these fears come too late. They occasion to have made such a call, until about should have come upon us long ago. It is too three years ago. But, sir, what does this gentlelate to say, we are more afraid of the means of man tell us, upon whose splendid' talents we all annoyance, than the enemy to be annoyed. We rely? That the national resources are equal to ought to have submitted long ago. We have now all the national exigencies. In his last report, he taken the ground of resistance, and cannot re- says, in substance, there can be no doubt of the cede. He hoped that the considerations urged ability and the will of the nation to furnish all the other day upon this subject, were sufficient the necessary supplies. If, then, reliance can be to demonstrate the fallacy of these alarms, and placed on his splendid financial talents, only give their unfortunate tendency in relation to the pub- them scope for actión; apply them to the national lic welfare in the present state of our affairs. ability and will; let them perform the simple task Upon these views of the whole subject, he trusted of pointing to the true modus operandi; and what that the Senate would concur with the commit- reason have we to despair of the Republic? What tee in opinion, that the number of men recom-reason have we to doubt of the abundance of the mended is not too great for the purposes of the Government, nor beyond the convenient abilities of the United States.

Treasury supplies? Until now the honorable Secretary has had no scope for the demonstration of his splendid financial talents. Of all the revMr. G. said, he would now proceed to the ten- enues receivable at the Treasury, he knew of but derest point of this discussion-the decrepit state one fund for which we are indebted to the sugof the Treasury Department. Mr. G. said, he did gestion of that gentleman. That is what is called not think this the true standard for estimating the the Mediterranean fund; and that is annually national resources, nor energies; nor for estimat-presented to us in a very awkward and crooked ing the means necessary for repelling aggressions form. But, against this may be placed the repeal upon our national rights; nor is it the one recom- of the salt tax; one of the most improvident mended in the President's responsible Message. measures ever adopted by this or any other GovBut the honorable mover had said it demanded ernment. He presumed the Secretary, at least, and ought to receive our first attention. He com- yielded his assent to that measure. Mr. G. said, plained, too, that Mr. G. had said the objects at he was extremely opposed to this measure at the stake were too great for counting the costs. Mr. time of its adoption; had twice reported against G. said this was not precisely the view he had it, as the chairman of a committee, to whom the before presented on this part of the subject. The subject was referred; and he believed it was twice opinion he expressed was, that there would be an rejected by this honorable body. His single vote, economy in furnishing means sufficient to effect he believed, turned the scale. He should have your objects; that the costs could not be deemed persevered in his opposition, notwithstanding the excessive, which would insure success; but if you popular cry raised at the time; but he yielded at dealt out your means so sparingly as to fail of length to an imposing claim urged on him by many your object, it would then become prodigal waste members of the House of Representatives. The and profusion of economy. To this opinion he House of Representatives was peculiarly intruststill adhered; and he thought there never was an ed by the Constitution with the power of raising occasion where the remark would apply with revenue; and it could hardly be considered as more force and propriety than at present. The correct in a single individual, in the other branc

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

opposition of the Executive, acting, he believed, under the same unfortunate influence. This measure consisted in presenting to the aggressing belligerents an impartial and honorable proposition for accommodation; and in the event of its rejection, to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the refusing nation. This measure was so strongly and obviously recommended by the peculiar circumstances under which we were coercively placed by both the belligerents, that

of the Legislature, to put his veto to a measure, in relation to revenue, which was recommended by so large a majority of that branch, to whose discretion all subjects of revenue were intrusted in a peculiar manner. To this claim, and the very high respect he entertained for the House of Representatives, he yielded a reluctant consent, upon condition that the repeal should be postponed until one month after the meeting of the next session of Congress, and that the House of Representatives would again review and consider the sub-he was astonished at the anxious opposition it ject. The month elapsed without re-enacting the law, and the tax ceased.

Mr. G. said he never gave a vote more against the convictions of his own judgment than he did on that occasion, although the motive was one which he conceived ought to exempt him from censure. If gentlemen will now multiply the product of that tax, by the number of years since it was taken off, they would find it would have produced all the sums which have since been called for by loans, provided no greater expenditures had been incurred by the Government than have taken place. Besides the diminution of Treasury funds, it has had the most baneful influence upon the salt works which had been established under its protection, and which would, under the influence of the same protection, in a very short time, have rendered us independent of foreign nations for the supply of this article of the first necessity. He was not disposed, however, on these accounts, to distrust the splendid financial talents of the honorable Secretary; although candor compelled him to acknowledge that he should feel more confidence in them, if it were not for the unwillingness evidently manifested by that gentleman himself, during the last three years, in affording their usefulness to the Government, in times which imperiously demanded their full and prompt exertions.

received; and to the success of that opposition, after the embargo was abandoned, may clearly be traced all our present sufferings and degradations. Both the belligerents had détermined that we should be no longer neutral; and had adopted the most injurious measures in relation to us, to coerce us into the war; each urging us to war against its enemy. What was the proper and manly reply to these aggressing nations? Here is a proposition of accommodation to each of you; if either accepts, we pledge ourselves to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the other, it refusing the accommodation. This was the very situation in which each wished to place us against its enemy; and of course both would probably have accepted the proposition; one or other certainly would; and if the acceptance of one before the other would have produced a state of hostilities against the other, it would have been of very short continuance; because neither of them would find any interest in a war against us, and each wished us to take a part in the war, not against itself, but against its enemy; and perhaps the accommodation would not be the less durable for having been sealed with blood. This measure was not opposed upon its intrinsic merits nor demerits, but it required to be backed with other measures of preparation and expense, and hence the real cause of its failure. The practical un? Mr. G. said the recession of the Treasury De- derstanding of the rejection of this measure, both partment from the trying difficulties of the nation at home and abroad, was subinission to the belduring that period, must be evident to every im-ligerent aggressions; or, in other words, notwithpartial observer; and he believed he was acquaint- standing all our previous patriotic speeches and ed with circumstances which amounted to a resolutions, we were determined not to resist by knowledge that all the measures which have dis- force. And what has been the result of this conhonored the nation during the same time, are, in viction on the part of the belligerents, of submisa great degree, attributable to the indisposition of sion on our part? Great Britain immediately the late and present Administration to press on disavowed an arrangement made by Mr. Erskine, the Treasury Department, aud to disturb the under the influence of instructions given under popularity and repose of the gentleman at the a contrary conviction, a conviction produced by head of it. That the inexecution of the embargo the measures of this body, and by a report made is properly attributable to that cause, he had no by a gentleman, then a member of the House of doubt; and notwithstanding all the clamor upon Representatives, and whom he then saw with that subject, its inexecution produced its repeal. pleasure on this floor, and a resolution adopted in The Executive refused to incur the expense, and consequence of that report. This resolution deaccept the means necessary for its effectual exe-clared our determination to resist the belligerent cution; which, he believed, would have been aggressions, with only two dissentient votes. The readily and zealously granted by Congress upon measures of this House, without any declaration, the Executive request, at any moment. When were calculated to produce the same conviction. we were driven from that measure by the inexe-In this state of things Mr. Erskine received his cution of the law, this honorable body proposed a substitute, in his judgment infinitely better calculated to retrieve the honor and promote the interest of the nation, than the embargo itself. It was done too against the known and anxious

instructions, and a satisfactory arrangement with Great Britain was the consequence; but the moment Great Britain found we had receded from our own ground, and falsified our professions, she disavowed the arrangement, and now perseveres

« ZurückWeiter »