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thousand men will be required. Suppose the Eng-edging our rights to the utmost of our wishes; lish should be driven out of Spain and Portugal, how long will she keep it? Not an hour longer (which may by this time be the case, or it may than suits her convenience or interest. There soon be so,) what number of troops can she send is no trust to be put in her compacts. Witness io teinforce her possessions and meet you? But, Erskine's arrangement. I say, keep on your resay some gentlemen, American blood has been strictions; keep the country in peace, if possible, spilt

, and we must avenge it. How is that to be under all your privations, and they are many. done? For gallons will you spill torrents; or am Has not our country increased in wealth and popI to understand that we shall have war withoutulation, in a superior degree to any country on bloodshed? Sir, let those that think so turn their earth ? Are we not at this moment in the enjoyattention to the Revolutionary war--the Sugar- ment of peace and plenty at home-every man house in New York, ihe Prevost, the Prison-ship, under his own vine and fig-tree, and none to make the Wallabout, Fort Washington, White Plains, him afraid—with complete protection for person Princeton, Trenton, Monmouth, Brandywine, and property? Yes. But our merchants must be Guilford, and many other places. New Jersey has protected-they have a right to our protection, had her full share of the fighting-other States say some—it is the merchant that gives life and the benefit; and if we bave war again, we shall spring to agriculture. I deny it. It is the planter have our share of fighting others the loaves and the cultivator-that is the foundation on which fishes. But, sir, I will not complain: we obtained every other branch of our associated population our liberty, and I am willing to support it in the depends; and it is the surplus of his productions best possible manner. But here another question that makes the merchant, and his profits that make arises. You go to war for the right to export the banks. You have made many laws for their our surplus produce-tobacco, cotton, flour, with protection; they have disobeyed them all, and will many other articles. Let me ask, what will be disobey them. Have they not told you, continue your export while that war continues ? Will you ally, to let them alone; that they knew their own have any ? I think not. But I will suppose that business best ? Sir, before I would engage in a you could export without interruption ; would the war, to which I could not see a prospect of a favorwhole of the exportable produce pay for the war able issue, I would let them alone. Sir, the Preduring the continuance of it? No, it would not. sident is made, by the Constitution, the treatySir, it would take less money from the Govern- making power; he is also to give us the state of ment to pay for it, and make a fire of it. Nearly the Union. He is the Executive. He has given thirty years have elapsed since the Revolutionary us the state of the Union, and made his requisiwar, and that was not half paid for. Is not the tions; and if I give him what he asks, I give him wat-worn soldier calling on us every day, with his enough; and that I am willing to give, and more, demands? You are about to drain your Treas- when he shall require it. But I am not io be forced ury, borrow money, enlarge your pension list, further yet. It appears to me that the honorable build additional hospitals, increase our national committee has a mind to Gideonize us-rejecting debt, not to be extinguished or paid off, but to be the fearful and faint-hearted. Will they prove us a lasting burden on the people. But, say the hon-| by the waters, and reject all ch as will not lap orable committee, our honor requires it. "It is as the dog lappeth? For, sir, they have told us well; I honor the spirit and magnanimity of the that all that did not intend to vote for such ultecommittee, and have no doubt of their courage rior measures as they might have occasion hereand zeal for our country's rights. But, sir, you after to bring forward, ought not to vote for the must take young inen for action-old 'men for resolutions. Now, sir, it remains for me to tell counsel. li is an easy matter to go to law or war, them and the House, that I will not leave the ranks but it is a hard matter to get out of it. The gen- of my country. I will vote for the resolutions, tleman from Maryland, (Mr. Wright,) in defend- and consider myself at liberty to vote hereafter as ing the character of the soldier, has given us a the nature of the case may require, and my conquotation, viz:

science shall direct. I have no more to say at “ Honor and shame from no condition rise,

this time. “Act well your part, there all the honor lies.”

Mr. Lacock spoke in favor of the report.

Two or three unsuccessful motions were made I will give him another, from the same author

to adjourn.

Mr. RANDOLPH stated his intention to make “ A wit's a feather, a chief's a rod;*

some further remarks against the report, which “ An honest man's the noblest work of God.".

might occupy two or three hours of the time of But, apart from this, let us suppose war, and the House. He then renewed the motion to adadmit that it will be successful, so far as proposed journ; which was carried; and the House ad-the British driven from the Canadas and Hali-journéd to Monday. fax, and their trade intercepted for years to an extensive amount- what then has she to hope or fear from us? Nothing. Will she then respect

Monday, December 16. our rights ? No. But I will suppose that we force The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter her to a treaty of amity and commerce, acknowl- from Cowles Mead, Speaker of the House of Rep

resentatives of the Mississippi Territory, enclosing Witness Bonaparte.

the copy of a presentment against Harry Toulmin,

ity, viz;

H. OF R.

Munitions of Wur.


Judge of the Superior Court for the Washington in the case of fire-arms of every description. When district, in said' Territory, made by the grand it becomes absolutely necessary to provide such equipjury of Baldwin county; which were read, and ments, contractors always insist upon their own terms. ordered to lie on the table.

Experience has proved, that contracts under such cir. On motion of Mr. Lewis, the petition of Return cumstances on national account, (we do not confine this J. Meigs, and others, winesses against Aaron' assertion to our own country,) have been made to a Burr, presented the ninth of November, 1807, was great disadvantage. Regular annual supplies, in times referred to the committee appointed the ewentieth of peace, should always be preferred. It would be unultimo, to provide compensation for witnesses in kind until the last moment until the enemy may be

warrantable 'in the extreme to hazard á want of this criminal prosecutions depending in courts of the at our doors. It will be in vain to look for additions United Siates. Mr. Findley presented petitions of several force of an enemy, aided by many private armed ships,

from Europe, at a period when the extensive naval Christian denominations residing in the Western shall swarm on the ocean. Who could then be so parts of the United States, praying that mails hardy as to entertain the expectation of frequent armay not be carried, and that post offices may not rivals in our ports ? be opened on Sundays.-Referred 10 the Posimas

It is with peculiar satisfaction your committee finds ter General.

itself enabled, under the warranty of the proper departOn motion of Mr. Morrow, the Committee on ment, to state that many of the most necessary, are the Public Lands were instructed to inquire whe- articles of which there is a considerable stock on hand, ther any, and what, provision ought to be made, to and that others of them are abundant in our territories. prevent the sale of land, at private sale, (in case | Or, in the words of the Message, we may be permitted of reversion) for a less price than the land had to repeat, that “the manufacture of cannon and small been sold for at the public sales: and that they arms, and the stock and resources of all the necessary have leave to report by bill, or otherwise. munitions, are adequate to emergencies.”

A message from the Senaie informed the House The flourishing state of the foundries throughout. that the Senate have passed a bill "for complete the United States ; they have been heretofore successing existing Military Establishments;" to which fully employed, on Government account, in Rhode they desire the concurrence of this House. Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, the Dis.

trict of Columbia, &c. The regular supplies of small MUNITIONS OF WAR.

arms, of every description, from the establishments Mr. SEYBERT, from the committee appointed which are now under the control of the Government, on that part of the President's Message which re- and these seconded by the several contracts which have lates to the manufacture of cannon and small been already made with individuals in various parts of arms, and the providing muditions of war, made the Union, together with the ease with which they a detailed report thereon ; which was read. may be multiplied so as to meet any demands which The report is as follows:

circumstances may require, independent of the arThe committee to whom was referred “so much of rangements made on the part of the State individually, the President's Message as relates to the manufacture are some of the many proofs which demonstrate the of cannon and small arms and the providing munitions great resources of this Republic. What nation can of war," after having, according to order, considered boast of more, or better iron, than the United States? the several subjects submitted, beg leave to report, in Our foundries have not only been in successful ope- . part:

ration, they are far from being infantile, and have arThat it is, at all times, expedient for a nation to be rived at perfection. Upon the best authority, we state supplied with an ample stock of all such articles and the furnaces, forges, and bloomeries, in the United materials as are requisite for defensive or offensive op- States, to be five hundred and thirty. The art of borerations. Such provisions will make its citizens con- ing cannon is, in many places in Europe, deemed a fident at home, whilst they, at the same time, guaran- secret of great importance; they there keep their cuttee respect on the part of foreign nations. No one, it is ters concealed from strangers in leathern bags. In the presumed, will deny that an extensive supply of the im- United States this process is so well understood, that plements of war is preferable to the amount of their cost an inspector of our artillery has declared to the world lying buried in the vaults ofthe Treasury, more especially

“ he never was compelled to reject a gun on account when it is considered, that on occasions of the first im- / of a defect in the bore,” though he examined “ upportance they are indispensably necessary, and that for wards of two thousand cannon of different calibers." the greater part they are imperishable from their nature. It is notorious that we may have lead, from the mines The proposition just laid down will appear evident, of our country, to any amount. Our resources for saltwhen it is recollected that the least rumor of a war will petre in the Western States are said to be inexhaustimmediately add to the value of such articles, very able. Of sulphur we have a considerable stock in generally, from fifty to one hundred per centum; nay, store. Each of the States can furnish an extensive this declaration might be carried much farther, and it catalogue of powder mills; their number in the Unimay not be out of place to notice the fact, that, under ten States amounts to two hundred and seven, and circumstances far from being the most unfavorable, many of them are celebrated for the excellence of their refined saltpetre has commanded the enormous price of powder. Notwithstanding these facts, it is necessary to one dollar and fifty cents per pound; whereas, its or repeat, that under the present aspect of affairs, it is. dinary value is about thirty cents per pound in our proper a further provision of all the munitions of war markets.

be forthwith made. Expenditures to a considerable It is, also, well known, that all manufactured arti- amount, when applied to such purposes, will ultimately cles, which are made in haste, are generally very be found to be economy in the true sense and meaning defective—this should be particularly guarded against of the term, by the saving of the difference between the


Foreign Relations.

H. OF R.

present prices and such as will be demanded when we morial of the 17th January last. They cannot, howshall be at war. In conformity with these views, your ever, decline to remonstrate against a measure which committee beg leave to report a bill.

has been announced since that date. The legislative Mr. SEYBERT, from the same committee, also councils of the French, Republic have decreed that presented a bill authorizing the purchase of ord

“ 1st. The condition of ships in everything which dance and ordnance stores, camp equipage, and concerns their character as neutrals or enemies, shall

be determined by their cargo; consequently, every vese other quartermaster's stores, and small arms; which was read, and committed to a Committee sel found at sea, laden in whole or in part with mer

chandise, coming out of England or its possessions, of the Whole on Friday next.

shall be declared good prize, whoever may be the proFOREIGN RELATIONS.

prietors of such commodities or merchandise.

“2ndly. No foreign vessel, which, in the course of The House then resumed the consideration of its voyage, shall have entered into an English port, the unfinished business, being the report of the shall be admitted into any port of the French RepubCommittee of Foreign Relations.

lic, but in the case of necessity; in which case the Mr. RANDOLPH said, that he could not express vessel shall be obliged to depart from such port as soon his deep sense of the politeness of the House, ex- as the cause of entry shall have ceased." cept by the regret be felt at the very poor return This decree went to sweep off the ocean every which they were about to receive for iheir indul- ship of the United States, and almost of the gence. He lamented that it was not in his power whole world--for, except perhaps a Chinese junk, to thank, in the name of all the old Republi- there was hardly a vessel to be found on the cans of 1798 and 1799, his worthy friend' from ocean without some article of merchandise that North Carolina, (Mr. STANFORD,) for the sound, had come out of England or its possessions." sensible, pertinent, and Constirutional speech. It was an interdict of the direct trade in our own which he had delivered the other day against this commodities, for no vessel could take tobacco, résolution. But he seared, if a writ'were to issue cotton, bread-stuff, &c., to London 'or Liverpool, against that old party-as had been facetiously and bring back a return cargo, without coming said, in another body, of our valiant Army-it under that decree; and, without returns, there would be impossible for a constable with a search could be no export, for export and import were warrant to find it. There must be a return of correlative terms; the one could not exist withnon est inrentus. Death, resignation, and deser- out the other; there could as soon be a wife with. tion, had thinned their ranks. They had disap- out a husband, a child without a parent, a maspeared. New men and new doctrines had suc- ter without a servant; the one implied the other. ceeded. He was astonished at the frailty of some To talk of export without import was argumenmemories; or rather, at their aptoess to remem. tum ex absurdo. Here, then, was a prohibition ber to forget everything but what subserved their of that direct trade, that pictance, that minimum present purposes.

of maritime right, for which gentlemen are now Diluted down, and frittered away, indeed, as willing to go to war. He put these facts to genthis proposition had been by his worthy colleague, 'lemen who now stickle about the direct trade, (Mr. Nelson,) and his excellent friend from with which the Orders in Council interfere. North Carolina, (Mr. Macon,) it was compara- Was he, therefore, the defender of those Orders ? tively à subject of small importance. Yet, as He stated the parallel cases to show that against argued by others, it assumed the most imposing the anti-neutral decrees of France, Republicans magnitude. It was no less than a question of had refused to vote armies and fleets. But those war or peace. Mr. R. proceeded to compare the times had passed away. The sternness of our provocations of France in 1798 with any now republican principles had not then melted away complained of, and to show the inconsistency of by basking in the sunshine of a republican Couri. Republicans in supporting the present measures. He would not enter into a disgusting recital of He said he would state some among many of the other. French injuries and abominations; he causes of difference at that time between the two would confine himself to those daring maritime Republics. Yes, sir, the French Republic !-insults and aggressions, which had been chastised mighty magic then in the phrase. It was almost by the valor of American tars, while happily the as potent as the terms Emperor and King in later fleets of our enemy were pinioned in pori, or cripdays. He referred to the Message of the Presi- pled at sea, by her great rival. It was matter of dent of June 18, 1798, accompanied by the cor- curiosity to look into some of the causes of comrespondence of our Ministers at Paris with the plaint urged against us by the notorious citizen French Minister of Foreign Relations. Alter Talleyrand, ex-bishop of Autun, &c. In his ca. replying to his three several heads of complaint pacity of Minister of Foreign Relations, he had, against us, our Envoys had proceeded to expose among other complaints, represented to our Minthe monstrous violation on the part of France of isters, in an official note, that " The newspapers every principle of justice and of public law, and known to be under the indirect control of the in open defiance of her plighted faith to the Uni- Cabinet, have, since the treaty, redoubled the ted States :

invectives and calumnies against the Republic, “ The undersigned will not resume, Citizen Minis- ' and against her principles, her magistrates, and ter, the painful task of re-urging the multipled injuries' her Envoys. Pamphlets, openly paid for by the which have been accumulated on their country, and Minister of Great Britain, have reproduced, in which have been in some degree detailed in their me-l' every form; those insults and calumnies; with

H. OF R.

Foreign Relations,



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out a state of things so scandalous having ever secure their triumph. I wish the gentlemen on attracted the attention of the Government, my left (the majority) joy of their new travel.

wbich might have repressed it. On ihe con- ling companions. ótrary, the Governmeni itself was intent upon But he could trace the origin of our present encouraging this scandal in its public acts.” difficulties a little further back than the years

We had greater inducements to raise men in 1805 and 1806—10 the refusal of our Government 1798 than now. There were then French pos- to prolong the Treaty of London, which, by its sessions in our neighborhood, from which a pre-own limitations, had expired within two years datory war, under French and Spanish colors, after the conclusion of the war. But for the had been waged upon our commerce, even in our truce of Amiens—for it hardly deserved the name own harbors, and on our own shores, which had of a peace—that treaty would now be in operano parallel, unless in the depredations, the rapine tion. The refusal to prolong its stipulations, at and plunder of the Barbary corsairs on the oppo- least during the continuance of the war; to consite coasts of Christendom. Our little fleet at sider the peace of Amiens as in effect no actual that time triumphed in the West Indian seas. Il termination of the contest; the rejection of the was in our power to have applied the remedy 10 overtures made by the English Ministry to reinthe actual seat of the disease. Not only was our state it, was a capital error, for which no statesfair and legitimate commerce with England pro- man could atone. Admiiting, for argument's hibited-thie trade from London to New York, sake, the treaty to have been in the first instance and, by consequence, from New York to London, impolitic; yet, on the accession of the late Presibut we were forbidden to barter, even with a dent to the chair-he might as well say the neutral, for any article 6 coming out of England, throne, for he understood a throne to be only a or its possessions;,' nay, more-our vessels en: magnificent chair—under the practical operation gaged in any such trade, were, ipso facto, stamped of that treaty, the commerce of the country was with the character of enemy. The cargo-even in the "full tide of successful experiment.” It. the minutest part of it-a single volume, printed was, to say the best of il, whim, madness, a mag. in England, determined the character of the got of the brain, the wildest of vagaries, to refuse whole, and of the vessel also. It was a commer- to prolong that treaty when it was proposed by cial attainder, working a general corruption of the British Government, thus laying the foundathe whole mass.

tion for a' breach which has since been widening. The nation had been brought into its present on the Revolution of 1801, that Government alarming and unprecedented situation by means had been led to apprehend, from the language in no wise unaccountable—by sieps as direct and held by prostituted presses in this country-he successive as Hogarth's celebrated series of prints, meant the presses of both parties that the per“The Rake's Progress," beginning at the gaming sons who then came into power would throw table and ending in á jail, or in bedlam. Our themselves into the arms of France. But they difficulties began to show themselves in 1805 and were agreeably disappointed ; they were soon uo1806, when a wise man from the East (Bidwell) deceived. This Government was at that time was sent to govern the American House of Com directed by men who understood and pursued the mons, in quality of manager. With what degree true interests of the country. Mr. R. said that of fidelity he had discharged this duty, we might he stood in such a situation, at that time, as enajudge from that which he had since displayed in bled him to pronounce that every fear of that far inferior trusts. We had commenced our sys- sort on the part of the British Cabinet was dissitem somewhat on the plan of Catharine of Rus-pated. An unfeigned cordiality had been kept sia, when she lent her nominal aid to the coali- up between us and the Court of St. James, withtion; we had dealt even more profusely than she out, at the same time, disturbing the amity subin' manifestoes; we began, under the instigation sisting between us and France. Even the refu. of mercantile cupidity, to contend by proclama-sal to renew the Treaty of London, ill advised tions and resolutious for the empire of the ocean. as it was, did not immediately impair the good But, instead of confining ourselves as she had understanding which existed between Great Britdone to this bloodless warfare, we must copy ain and the United States. But to this, after the wise example of her successors, and after our some ill-timed threats and bickerings, succeeded battle of Friedland, he supposed, we also shouid the rejection of the Treaty of Mr. Monroe-he have our peace of Tilsit. He gave the little mi-said of Mr. Monroe, because, although anciher nority praise for having kept the Administration gentleman was united with him in the mission. in check, under the salutary restraint of a rigor- he suspected that he had as little efficient agency ous examination of their acts-although the Ad- in that treaty as Mr. R. himself. He believed, ministration bad run away with the credit of that at this time, we should be very willing to wishing to take a strong attitude, and had thrown accept of that scouted treaty, even with the careat the blame of thwarting their measures on the of Lords Holland and Auckland attached to itopposition. That opposition had been composed for in that light he had always considered the of all sects and persuasions; but he now perceived obpoxious note. Surely it was more candid and that the greater part of them (the Federalists) honorable to apprize us, beforehand, of their inhad gone over to the Court party, for a very ob- tentions, under a certain contingency: than to vious reason-because they foresee at the end of bold it up in mental reservation until the event the journey, Mr. Speaker, that your defeat will should have occurred. In any event, that note,

December, 1811.

Foreign Relations,

H. OF R.

however it might be objected to upon principle, the tyrant of the earth? Where is the best of was couched in terms not merely inoffensive, but poltage, the miserable dish of Fredes 16:5. decorous and respectful. At any rate, after the soup maigre, for which you have bartered away note of the Duke of Cadore, who had declared us your birthright; the birthright of a whole peupt'; to be without honor, without energy, without ihe right of self-government; the power over was just political views;" who had likened us to the and peace! Shall we look into the official, 15Colonial Assembly of Jamaica ; who bad kindly sponsible, correspondence, of our own Goverospared us the trouble of declaring war; galled ment for this equivalent? We have their unand seared as we had been by his taunts, we questionable testimony that France has played us should hardly turn up our poses at the note of false. The Secretary of State, in his 'leiter of the British Cornmissioners. The imperial chal the 10th of December last to General Turreau ice of insult had been drained to the very dregs. says: Even our diplomatic worm had turned and " The act of Congress of May last had for its object, writhed beneaih the heel of ihe imperial oppres- not merely the recognition of a speculative legitimate sor. Yes, we would unquestionably be willing principle, but the enjoyment of a substantial benefit. to occupy the ground offered to us in 1806, 10 The overture therein presented, obviously embraced accept the terms of that despised and rejected the idea of commercial advantage. It included the treaty-rejected, as if in, scoro—but for purposes reasonable belief, that an abrogation of the Berlin and : tou visible to need explanation or comment: Sup- Milan decrees would leave the ports of France as free pose, sir, at this day you had to require the opin- for the introduction of the produce of the United ion of the Executive Goveroment on the merits States as they were previously to the promulgation of of that instrument, of whom would you demand those decrees. it? Through what channel would you receive

“ The restrictions of the Berlin and Milan decree it? Mr. R. presumed, through the Department had the effect of restraining the American merchants of State. By whose opinion would you be guided, from sending their vessels to France. The interdicby that of the ex-Secretary, or of the Secretary tion in the system that has been substituted, against in fact? How would you settle the matter be- the admission of American products, will have the tween them? Would you compound it ?

effect of imposing upon them an equal restraint. If, But we are told, and by men of honor 100, that then, for the revoked decrees, municipal laws, prowe stand pledged to France. I was not sur- tuted, the mode only, and not the measure, has under

ducing the same commercial effect, have been substiprised, sir, to see this asserted by factious jour. gone an alteration. nalists, but I confess my astonishment; nay, my grief and indignation, when I hear it asseried on · France, then, by the solemn declaration of our ihis floor, by men whom I honor, whom I love, own Government, has done by municipal decrees whom I revere! Bound to France, as Sinbad what her edicts of Berlin, Milan, &c., could not the sailor was bound to the putrifying corpse of more completely have effected. Like a true his deceased wife. If so, then have we sealed chevalier d'industrie, she tells you—“My decrees our perdition. Will any man contend that we shall be withdrawn” and, when she has you' in have the right to transfer to a foreign Despot the her cluiches, she achieves her purpose of robbery power of making war for us, upon whom and and plunder by a change of the mode-municiwhen he shall please? No, sir, I deny it; 'such is pally—by municipal decrees-and we, good easy not our miserable, our hopeless condition. We men, are satisfied. She may rob and plunder to are not bound to France, and, so help me God, her heart's content; she may violate every right with my consent, we never shall be so bound of hospitality'; decoy us into her ports, and then What will your constituents say to this? Sup- strip us to the skin—but mark, I pray you, not pose they crowd your table with memorials and under the Berlin and Milan decrees-not under instructions against this measure, will you reply "edicts affecting our neutral relations”—but as to them with The coolness of a modern duellist-how, I beseech you? Why, in a civil way-mu"We are bound in honor; we are sorry for it, but picipally. To be pledged to France, (suppose cannot help it. The sacred trust which you re- it possible,) we must have a bona fide revocation posed in us we have betrayed; the high attribuies of her unjust edicis carried into ting effectof sovereignty, the power of war and peace with pot a subtle, oracular, Delphic response, 6 which which you clothed us for your own good, we keeps the word of promise to the ear, but breaks have made over, by legislative legerdemain, to it to the hope." Can you carry your tobacco, the great oppressor of our name and race. We cotton, or bread-stuffs to France Ž Go with your are spell bound, under incantation, and must tobacco; there is but one buyer, and, of course, obey." Will the people endure this ? Is the. can be but one seller to supply her market. The power of making war transferred from the Ameri-imperial tobacconist possesses the monopoly; he can Congress to France? and by chicanery too 3 gives you what he pleases, and that you must Bound to France! By what? By a contriv-take. To be sure you have the privilege of trans. ance, an artifice the most bungling-by a quibble porting it by land from Bordeaux, seven hundred which a Newgate solicitor would blush to plead miles, into Germany. Your cotton is excluded in bar of an indictment for felony. But; sir, if by enormous duties; your breadstuffs she does you have sold yourselves into foreign bondage, I not want. She secretly supplies them herself to pray you to show me the equivalent, the quid her enemy, at the same time that she interdicts pro quo. What have you goi in exchange from your supply, which might come into competition

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