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H. OF R.

Foreign Relations.

DECEMBER, 1811.

with hers. Whether the Orders in Council are French freedom, he supposed. But hear the 8th repealed I know not, and I care not. They do article: not prevent us from trading with France; France *To favor commerce on both sides, it is agreed, herself excludes us. They have not prevented that, if in case a war should break out between the thirty millions of American property from find two nations, which God forbid ! the term of six months ing its way into the ports of France, and thence after the declaration of war shall be allowed to the into the imperial coffers. How did this property merchants and other citizens, and inhabitants respectget there? He spoke of the practical effect of ively, on the one side and the other, during which time the Orders in Council. Their principle, or want they shall be at liberty to withdraw themselves, with of principle, was another thing." The Berlin their effects and moveables, which they shall be at liband Milan decrees," as our own Government had erty to carry, send away or sell, as they please, withofficially pronounced," had restrained the Ameri- out the least obstruction. Nor shall their effects, can merchants from sending their vessels to. of six months. On the contrary, passports, which

much less their persons, be seized, during such term France.”. No sooner were they duped into a be shall be valid for a time necessary for their return, lief that these injurious decrees were, or would shall be given to them for their vessels, and the effects be removed, than thirty millions of American which they shall be willing to send away or carry with property (the Orders in Council to the contrary them; and such passports shall be a safe conduct notwithstanding) found its way to France, to be against all insults and prizes which privateers may caught in her municipal trap. And we are to go attempt against their persons and effects. And if any to war for the privilege of a scanty trade, under thing be taken from them, or any injury done to them licenses, with France-taking our returns in or their effects, by one of the parties, their citizens or French silks at the very insiant that we our inhabitants, within the term above prescribed, full satselves are passing prohibitory and highly penal isfaction shall be made to them on that account." laws against this very licensed trade! This is And yet, sir, in a time of profound peace; in the consummation of folly and inconsistency.

the face of this solemn stipulation; in the teeth Reverse the pictare-suppose your vessels con- of this treaty, signed by his own hand, when the demned in English ports for having touched at a imperial ruler of France himself could not insinFrench port, or having been searched by a French uate that we had infringed one iota of it, had our cruiser. The proceeds poured into che coffers of merchants been decoyed into his ports, robbed, ihe British Exchequer to the amount of thirty incarcerated, treated with every species of conmillions, The British Ministry mock you with tumely and disgrace, in a manner in which, had. a nominal revocation of their Orders in Council, we been at open war with France, he was not at substituting some contrivance that answers the liberty, to treat them until after a fair notice of same end. Your diplomatic puppet gathers cour: six months. In Bordeaux, Antwerp, Amster. age to ask for the plundered property of our citi. dam-in every port under the control of France zens. He is told, with true French nonchalance, not forgetting Naples, the kingdom of Joachim “Why, as to that affair, it is to be settled by the Murat—there bad been one uninterrupted scene law of reprisal.” What would you say ? 'Sir, of American plunder. In private life, there was you are laughed at as idiots, for expecting the a description of men so flagitious, so notorious restoration of thirty millions from the grasp of a for the disregard of every principle of morality, foreign Power—and that power France! You honor, and religion, as to be considered privimay as well go to Algiers io look for the money. leged to do and to say what they pleased ; and in

Mr. R. said, that having attempted to describe this class we seemed disposed to rank the present the aggressions of France in 1798 and 1799, ruler of France. He stood absolved from all the when the Republicans relused to go to war with obligations which are binding on other men. No her, he would now advert to injuries of a later act of turpitude, or ill faith from him, could exdate, and he challenged a comparison of them cile any emotion or surprise'; it was overlooked with those of any nation under the sun.

as a matter of course. In the year 1800, a treaty was negotiated by By the Article 12th. “It shall be lawful for the citiMr. Davie, and other Commissioners appointed zens of either country to sail with their ships and merby Mr. Adams, with the present ruler of the chandise (contraband goods always excepted) from French Empire. This treaty, signed bj, Bona- any port whatever, to any port of the enemy of the parte's own hand, was ratified by the late Presi-other, and to sail and trade with their ships and mer. dent (Mr. Jefferson) and the Senate, the succeed-chandise with perfect security and liberty, from the ing year:

countries, ports, and places, of those who are the ene.. The third article provides for the mutual res- mies of both, or of either party, without any oppositoration of the public ships taken during the ex-directly from the places and ports of the enemy afore

tion or disturbance whatsoever; and to pass not only istence of hostilities between the two contracting mentioned, to neutral ports and places, but also from parties : The fourth for the restoration of property cap- belonging to an enemy, whether they be under the

one place belonging to an enemy to another place tured (in actual war) and not definitively con- jurisdiction of the same Power, or under the several; demned: The sixth declares “that commerce between besieged, or invested.”

unless such ports or places shall be actually blockaded, the parties shall be free.” The subsequent con- “ Article 14th. It is hereby stipulated that free ships duce of the French Guvernment is a suitable shall give a freedom to goods, and that everything ommentary on this text-"free.” This was shall be deemed to be free and exempt which shall be

DECEMBER, 1811.

· Foreign Relations.

H. OP R

found on board the ships belonging to the citizens of burst upon the House, Mr. R. had been anxiously either of the contracting parties, although the whole waiting for some great political or military prolading, or any part thereof, should appertain to the 'jector to point out a way by which we could get enemies of either, contraband"goods being always ex at-Halifax, or even at Quebec. He had seen and cepted.”

heard nothing that indicated a tolerably correct Under this article our ships have been burnt information of the subject. Whilst England and sunk on the high seas, in the prosecution of maintained the mastery of the seas, and could their lawful trade,

throw supplies into them at pleasure, he supposed “ Article 17. And that captures on light suspicions they were to be starved out. He was forcibly may be avoided, and injuries thence arising prevented, reminded of a ludicrous caricature, published soon it is agreed that when one party shall be engaged in after the siege of Gibraltar. That fortress was war, and the other party be neuter, the ships of the represented to lie in the moon—and whilst the neutral party shall be furnished with passports similar Duke de Crillon was making passes at it with to that described in the fourth article, that it may ap- a small sword, Don Quixote, on his Rosinante, pear thereby that the ships really belong to the citi- with Sancho (the best and most honest Governor zens of the neutral party ; they shall be valid for any of whom he had ever heard) mounted on Dapple, number of voyages, but shall be renewed every yeår – that is, if the ship happens to return home in the space ity to his trusty squire

, we'll starve them out

at his back, exclaimed, with trúe Castilian grave of a year. If the ships are laden, they shall be pro

Sancho !" vided not only with the passports abovementioned, but

This tit.bit, Canada, which had inalso with certificates similar to those described in the flamed the cupidity of northern contractors, made same article, so that it may be known whether they

us forget the disturbances among our savage carry any contraband goods. No other paper shall be neighbors, the hostilities committed or meditated required, any usage or ordinance to the contrary not along our whole northwestern and southern fronwithstanding. And if it shall not appear from the said tier. Symptoms of discontent were manifesting certificates that there are contraband goods on board themselves among the Creeks in the State of any such ship, and the commander of the same shall Georgia. As to Louisiana, he did not consider offer to deliver them up, the offer shall be accepted, it as an integral part of the United States. We and the ship shall be at liberty to pursue its voyage, had bought it and might sell it-he felt himself unless the quantity of contraband goods be greater as much at liberty to sell it as to dispose of his than can conveniently be received on board the ship own slaves. If we were to have war, he hoped of war, or privateer, in which case the ship may be it would be for something of greater national carried into port for the delivery of the same.”

benefit than to enrich the commissaries and conArticle 18. Regulates the manner of search, tractors from Michillimackinac to Niagara and "for the avoidance of disorder and abuse." Frontignac.

But why recite these stipulations, when our He repelled the charge of avarice made against Minister at Paris had been compelled to state to the opponents of the present measure. A varice, the French Government, " that to appeal to our although the most sordid and degrading vice of solemn treaty with the ruler of France, or to the the individual character, was one of the first viro, laws of nations,” which are the principles of eter-lues of a statesman. To husband the public revo nal justice and truth, " would be literally to ap- enues, to ease the public.burdens, where consistent peal to the dead." And yet, with all this glaring with the public interest, was one of the cardinal iestimony of French perfidy, injustice, injury, duties of a wise or beneficent Government. He and insult, we hear of pledges to France, or de extolled the avarice of Elizabeth and her Bursigpating our enemy, and that enemy not France. leigh and Walsingham, and that of Frederick the Sir, if you go to war it will not be for the pro- Great, which, aided by his genius, enabled him to tection of, or defence of your maritime rights. build up a first rate power in Europe-io make Gentlemen from the North have been taken up a Prussia. He compared the parsimony of these to some high mountain and shown all the king. great Sovereigns and Ministers, with the profudoms of the earth; and Canada seems tempting sion and prodigality that had overthrown the monin their sight. That rich vein of Genoesee land, archy of the Bourbons. We had been told of which is said to be even better on the other side honor in one scale, and dollars and cents in the of the lake than on this. Agrarian cupidity, not other-of cold calculators-the calculators were' maritime right, urges the war. Ever since the on the other side. They begin at home. Their report of the Committee on Foreign Relations generosity is not misapplied. They were reckcame into the House, we have heard but one word oning up the portion of those 'very dollars and -like the whip-poor-will

, but one eternal monot-cents that might fall to their share. Seekers onous tone-Canada! Canada! Canada! Not a after commissions, embryo colonels and generals, syllable about Halifax, which unquestionably contractors, commissaries, and the whole tribe of should be our great object in a war for maritime leeches that fasten on the public purse-these security. It is to acquire a prepondering northern were the true calculators. His friend from North influence, that you are to launch into war. For Carolina, and himself were calculating pro bono purposes of maritime safety, the barren rocks of publico; to save the people's money, not to share Bermuda were worth more to us than all the it. This was the character of their a varice. It deserts through which Hearne and McKenzie had was not of that description which views with pushed their adventurous. researches. Since this equal eye, "the public' million and the private great bomb, the report of the Committee, had I groat."

H. of R.
Foreign Relations.

DECEMBER, 1811. Mr. RANDOLP! returned his thanks to Mr; importation acı, had not our agents been obliged Johnson and Mr. Wright for the courtesy and to wink at a smuggling trade by that concern, in urbanity with which they had conducted the de- order that the Indians might be furnished with bate. He said, although he felt no sort of delicacy articles which we could no longer supply? As 10 towards General Wilkinson, yet, in deference to the question whether the British Ministry were the feelings of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. capable of such an act ? there was nothing too Wright,) who, thinking of that person as he did, mean, 100 vile, too infamous for Governments 10 had displayed much liberality towards Mr. Ran. do. The veteran politician was unsusceptible of Dolph-he should forbear the unnecessary ex- friendship or enmity; he simulated the one or pression of opinions which wounded a gentleman tlie other, just as it suited his own individual professing to be the personal friend of General interest, his own crooked schemes and plans of adWilkinson, and sincerely believing him innocent vancement, to which he made every other considYet he must not be understood as modifying the eration bend. opinions, which he had beretofore expressed of The gentleman from Maryland had expressed that man, who was sometimes styled the Com- surprise at Mr. RANDOLPH's manner of speaking mander-in-Chief. He had been compelled to of our origin from an English stock. Could that wade through a mass of testimony respecting gentleman repose his head upon his pillow with him, among which that of the General himself out returning thanks to God that he was descended was not the least conclusive, which left no more from English parentage ? Whence but from that doubt on his mind as to his real character, than origin came all the blessings of life, so far as politihe had of tlie being of a God—and he must re- cal privileges are concerned ? To what is it ow nounce his reason before his conviction on eithering that we are at this moment deliberating under subject could be shaken. The public sentiment the forms of a free representative Government? had pronounced an irreversible sentence, that no Suppose we had been colonies of any other Eumock tribunal could affect.

ropean nation-compare our condition with that Mr. R. said, that he had been misapprehended of the Spanish, Portuguese, or French settleby the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Johnments in America ? To what was our superiority son.). While he held himself utterly irrespon- owing? To our Anglo-Saxon race. Suppose we sible for sentiments ascribed to him in the public bad descended from those nations from the last, prints, where it was hard to tell whether his especially, which stood self-condemned, on her language or his meaning was more perverted and own confession, as incapable of free Government, mutilated, he should be sorry to be misunder hugging her chains, glorying in her shame, pridstood by a gentleman on that door, who had con- ing herself in the slave's last poor distinction, the ducted himself in debate with so much liberality (splendor of her tyrant master? Had we sprung toward his adversary as that gentleman had dis- from the loins of Frenchmen, (he shuddered at played. Mr. R. had never said, that on an ex- the thought!) where would have been that proud plieit requisition of troops, by the Executive, he spirit of resistance to Ministerial encroachment would vote the number required. He had said, on our rights and liberties, which achieved our that if the Executive, who was charged with the independence? We should have submitted to the public desence, should declare to that House that tea tax, the stamp act, and the whole train of ihis force was necessary to enable him to extend Grenville and North ministerial oppression. That that protection over the United States and their which we lifted'our hands against in determined dominions, which it was his duty to see afforded, scorn, would have been deemed an indulgence. for instance, to garrison New Orleans against Look at the province of New Spain, or Mexico, as meditated attack; to guard against apprehended it is not with strict propriety,called. With a phys. danger from our savage neighbors, or from any ical force greatly superior to ours in 1776, she bad formidable European Power-it would be with not dared to burst the chains of Spanish despotism, great distrust of his own judgment and informa- divided, weakened, almost extinct as was the tion if he refused the grant.

Spanish monarchy. Mr. R. adverted to historiHe had asked for proof of British connexion cal documents to show that America ought to be with the late massacre; he had been answered by proud of her Anglo-Saxon descent. We were one gentleman, “I have no doubt of it ;" while vastly particular about the breed of our horses, another bad attempted to show, from the history calile, and sheep, but careless of the breed of bu. of our late war, (what no man ever denied.) that man nature. And yet to our Anglo-Saxon origin the Government of England was capable of such, we owed our resistance to British tyranny. Who

He foresaw that he should have to post were the members of the first Congress ? From pone his trip' to Canada. He had asked for proof Massachusetts, Samuel Adams, and i'other Adams of the savages having been instigated by the Brit- 100,) Robert Treat Paine, not Tom. From Conish Government, or its agents, and he had been necticut, Roger Sherman, a man of the most protold of the trade of the Northwest Company: found political wisdom. From New York, James Was that any novelty ? Might we not as well Duane. John Jay. From New Jersey, William charge ourselves with a participation in the act, Livingston. From Pennsylvania, Thomas Mifbecaus we had furnished them with similar arti- flin. From Delaware, Cæsar Rodney, Thomas cles? Was the Northwest Company the British McKean. From Maryland, William Paca. From Government? Was it in any degree under the Virginia, Peyton Randolph, George Washington, control of that Ministry ? In fact, since the non- / Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Edmund Pendle

an act.

DECEMBER, 1811.

Foreign Relations.

H. OF R.

ton. From South Carolina, Henry Middleton, ousies, that overwhelm your 'Majesty's colonies with John Rutledge, Christopher Gadsden, Edward affliction; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate Rutledge. In what school had these illustrious enemies to trace the unhappy differences between men formed thuse noble principles of civil liberty Great Britain and these colonies, from an earlier peasserted by their eloquence and maintained by riod, or from other causes than we have assigned. their arms ? Among the grievances stated in Had they proceeded on our part from a restless levity their remonstrance to the King a "standing gestions of seditious persons, we should merit the op

of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful sugarmy” met us at the threshold. It was curious to see in that list of wrongs, so many that had probrious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those

we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, since been self-inflicted by us.

we have only opposed them; and can be charged with "The authority of the Commander-in-Chief, and no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries, and be under him, the Brigadier General, has, in time of sensible of them. peace, been rendered supreme in all the civil govern- “ Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence ments in America."

in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might Here, indeed, only in one,

have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But, “The Commander-in-Chief of all your Majesty's thanks to his adorable goodness, we were born the forces in North America, has, in time of peace, been heirs of freedom,” &c. appointed Governor of a Colony."

The apprehension of being degraded into a state The same case had bappened here in the ap- freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of

of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank of English pointment of General Wilkinson to the govern- liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for ment of Louisiana.

us and our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, . “The charges of usual offices have been greatly in- which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish creased; and new, expensive, and oppressive offices, to conceal.” bave been multiplied.'

Mr. R. also read an extract showing Doctor The same case now.

Franklin's opinion as to the state of the colonies "The officers of the customs are empowered to break previous to ibe troubles of the stamp act. : That, open and enter houses, without the authority of anywise man had explicitly declared that ours was civil magistrate, founded on legal information.”

the only instance of an extensive empire in which This power, too, has been exercised here. the remote provinces were as well governed as

" Humble and reasonable petitions, from the Reprè- the metropolis and its vicinity. The question sentatives of the people, have been fruitless.” was not whether we should coniinue in our happy How does this apply to the petitions from our

situation, previous to the British attempts to tax commercial towns, some of which were refused us without our consent, (for better, he allowed, reference or consideration?

we could never expect to be,) but whether we “Commerce has been burdened with many useless should give up that enviable condition without a and oppressive restrictions.”

struggle. The gentleman from South Carolina In this we had not been behindhand with Lord Dr. Franklin, and of these authors of our independ

must excuse him if he preferred the authority of North himself.

ence, to his own (Mr. Caluoun's ;) in this school, “ In the last session of Parliament, an act was passed at the feet of Gamaliel, he had studied his politifor blocking up the harbor of Boston."

cal principles. We had received our indelible We have blocked up every port from Maine to characier of freemen from our Anglo Saxon deGeorgia. These great men never anticipated the scent. Sprung from the loins of Spaniards, Portime when our whole coast should be under the tuguese, ond Frenchmen! what should we have paper blockade of embargo laws; when these known of representative Government, of jury should be considered as the legitimate exercise of trial, of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, our restrictive energies; they never dreamed of the palladium of liberty itself ? such oppressions.

But he had been guilty of estimating the re“Extending the limits of Quebec, abolishing the sources of the adversary against whom we were English and restoring the French laws, whereby great about to contend, and our own capacity to mainnumbers of British freemen'are subjected to the latter, tain the war for any beneficial result. This was and establishing an absolute Government, and the the first instance in which he had heard an open Roman Catholic religion throughout those vast regions contempt of all calculation as to the means of that border on the westerly and northerly boundaries carrying on a war, or the strength of the enemy, of the free, Protestant, English settlements."

in the discussion of a war question. He augured These truly great and wise men were not indifo, nothing good from such rashness, such ignorance ferent to the interests of religion. They knew of the first principles of politics, of the elementand felt that it was the basis of all that was val. ary knowledge of a statesman. Indeed, he had, uable in the human character, that society and in the course of the debate, with this exception, Goveroment could not exist without it. They heard nothing that had not before been said, and had not had the benefit of “ The Age of Rea- better said. Mr. R. could not, out of deference son,” nor even of " The Rights of Man,"

to those gentlemen who feel so sensitive an antipo : « From this destructive system' of Colony adminis- / athy to calculation, forbear progressing, with his tration, adopted since the conclusion of the late war, dull, dry matters of fact, although they were so have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears, and jealo little in unison with the flowing speculations of

H. OF R.

Foreign Relations.

DECEMBER, 1811.

the day. He quoted the review of Pasley's Essay ters and workmen, in London, twenty years ago—now on the British Military Policy. (He had not been upwards of two thousand are engaged in this manuable to procure the work itself.)

facture; but this increase in their number is accom. "The population opposed to us in our contest with panied by the discharge of thousands and tens of thou. the Emperor of the French, Captain Pasley estimates sands from manual labor; and so proportionally has as five to one, and, numerically speaking, he is per- machinery lent aid to all the other trades and callings. haps sufficiently accurate. But the power of pro- Co-operating with machinery, in advancing our nadueing and maintaining armies results so little from tional power, is obviously the division of labor; the mere population, that previous to the time of Francis effect of which, having been so ably examined and I, it is well known that no standing army was or could stated, as to have become an undisputed principle, has be maintained in Europe, and from thắt time armies only been mentioned in this place, lest we should seem have only increased with increasing civilization. The to forget that it has conspicuously increased in the last cause of this is not obseure. Millions of persons may

ten years. subsist in a rude state, and consume the produce of

“The following statement of our effective forces, the soil, without acquiring a particle of that kind of including officers, at the close of the last year, will be power which contributes to the maintenance of an

at once satisfactory to our readers, and useful to our army, or to any other national object. In the feudal argument. Our regular cavalry appears, from the autimes, imperfect agriculture and the want of roads thentic returns, to have been, on the 25th of December scarcely permitted the cultivators to dispose of a sur last, 31,375. Our regular infantry, including the for. plus sufficient to furnish money contributions for the eign and colonial corps, 911,574. The artillery, horse, support of the regal and baronial courts. The pro- and foot, 22,346, making in all, of regular land forces, gress of civilization taught a more economical and 265,395 men. The vote for seamen and marines was, effectaal application of human labor; and an increas- in 1810, increased to 145,000; and it was stated in ing number of persons could be fed, besides those who Parliament that this increased vote was necessary, be. cultivated the land. To procure their share, these cause that number were actually in the service. The superfluous lookers-on became manufacturers, whence regular militias of the Empire amounted to 95,444, and , arose, in tho natural order of gradation, trade, money, thus we have a total actual military and naval force of and facility of taxation ; and it is in reality from the de- upwards of five hundred thousand men ; a force more gree in which scientitic or skilful labor exists in a than double the military establishment of the Roman country, that the permanent maintenance of armies is Empire, under Augustus. And here we must observe, to be calculated. "In a ruder state of things nothing that the measure of interchanging the British and Irishi can be furnished beyond the raw material-untutoreů militias, the most important and beneficial to the Em. man.

pire, which has been proposed since the union, will

have the effect, in addition to many other and greater “ The real inquiry for our purpose therefore is, the advantages, of increasing our actually disposable force quantity of machinery, of scientific labor, and of the by nearly 16,000 or 20,000 men, the number of regu. means of employing both, existing in England, as como lar troops which it has hitherto been thought expedient pared with the same resources in the dominions of to retain in Ireland, and which we apprehend may be Bonaparte. A difference in our favor all will allow, most safely and most usefully replaced by the British because if both had remained stationary since the

militia. commencment of the war, our superiority was evident from the vent of our manufactured goods on the Con, for exercise at the last inspection, amounted to 167,000.

The local militia of Great Britain, which assembled tinent, and that too in despite of the higher price paid The volunteers in Great Britain, are 52,000 infantry, in England for labor to each individual workman. and 18,000 cavalry. In Ireland, 67,000 infantry, and And what has happened since the commencement of 8,000 cavalry—a total irregular force of 312,000. the war? Except those ornamental manufactures which are maintained, not by profit, but at the ex. and commanding spectacle of eight hundred and twen

Thus, in the whole, we offer to the world the proud pense of Government, from motives of vanity or policy, ty thousand men in arms; and this has been accomall manufacture in France is extinct, or nearly so. plished, as the increased comforts of all elasses of sociOver the rest of the Continent war has occasioned a desolation unparalleled since the eruption of the Bar.ely abundantly prove, without any unnatural exertion barians; and war contributions have annihilated the my, everything is opposite ; and, accordingly, with all

or ruinous expenditure of our strength. To our ene. visible capital of the manufacturer, and therewith, of his five-fold superiority of population, he does not, cercourse, all his exertions. This we may conclude without fear of error from the otherwise unaccountable and tainly, only because he cannot, maintain many more incredible avidity with which English goods are puro est exactions of tyranny.”

troops and seamen than ourselves, even by the severchased even in increased quantities, though at a price proportioned to the danger of hazarding the vengeance

He asked for our surplus of capital, of labor, of of the laws, if they may be so called, which have been population, out of which (excepi in the pastoral made for their exclusion.

state) a military power could grow. “ The prosperous application of large capital we have

It had been asked, why was the country undaily opportunity of seeing. In one place, a large prepared for defence? Was he expected io ansteam engine performs the manual labor of five hun. swer this question ? The Administration, and dred able men; in another place, a cotton mill works their overwhelming majorities, must answer it. with all the delicacy of five hundred skilful arti- They had wantoned in the plenitude of their sans; and a thousand men may thus be marched to power. Who could say them, nay ? Was it Mr. the army without national loss. In machinery less Randolpu's fault, that the gentleman from South striking than these popular instances, no less progress Carolina had never, in the course of his extensive has been made. For instance, agricultural instruments experience, heard of a proposition to arm the employed about a hundred and twenty persons, mas. I whole body of the militia? which had been

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