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SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

in hostile inflexibility. How did France act upon scene of country with himself. It was imperiousbeing apprized of this improvident and fatal re-ly their interest, not only to preserve peace with cession? Her Emperor immediately seized and Great Britain, but a free commercial intercourse confiscated all your property within his control; with her. Grain was the principal product for exand his Minister officially told us that he would portation in that part of the country; Great Brithave expected something more from a Jamaica ain was almost at all times in want of that artiAssembly! It is not to be presumed that Great cle, and was at this moment giving very high Britain and France acted in concert upon this prices for it. The country was generally in a unfortunate occasion; and, therefore, the analo- very prosperous condition, in consequence of this gous conduct of each must be proof positive of state of things, and it could not be desirable to the practical understanding and effect of our de- change it. But he never could see the incompatiprecated recession. It was a declaration of sub- bility between the desire of preserving peace, and mission, as far as submission consists in refusing a preparation to meet unavoidable war. It apresistance by force. The Government seems pears now to be almost universally agreed that if now sensible of this fatal error, and is determined this course had been heretofore pursued, it would to retrieve it; but, he was sorry to observe, with have insured peace; and if war should now come, measures as inefficient upon the principle of re- it would be in consequence of the fatal rejection sistance by force, as were commercial restriction, of the proposed measures of preparation for war. in a substitution of that principle. And when In fact, there is no sounder maxim, than that a we look for the causes of this deplorable ineffi preparation for war was the surest means of preciency, they resolve themselves, as heretofore, serving peace. If in this moment, in consulting into tenderness for the Treasury Department, &c. his own and the nation's interest, in the preservaMr. G. said, that whilst upon this most un- tion of peace, he were called on to decide merely pleasant part of the subject, he wished to be in- in reference to that object, whether we should dulged in a few observations upon the state of now raise thirty thousand men (his favorite numour public debt; because this subject, in the hands ber) or ten thousand, or no men at all, he would of a skilful financier, had been the most efficient certainly prefer the thirty thousand. weapon for beating down all the measures which he believed were best calculated to support the character and promote the interests of this country. Mr. G. said it had always given him pleasure to see that debt in a rapid state of reduction, and he had at all times given his aid to facilitate that object.

We had, however, experienced the effects of a debt, of above $80,000,000, now reduced to perhaps $40,000,000, yet this difference of the amount of debt had never been felt by society. It had produced no sensible effect upon the common intercourse amongst men in their pecuniary affairs. He asked every gentleman to reflect and recollect, whether, in his pecuniary arrangements, he ever took into his calculations the present, compared with the former state of the public debt? For his part, he said, he should never have known of the reduction of the debt, but for the annual Treasury Report. The reason why a debt of eighty millions of dollars is not felt in the United States, is, that the amount is so entirely within their ability. Now, sir, is it not infinitely better to restore the debt to its former amount, or more, when we know from experience how little influence it has on society, and that influence will necessarily be diminished in proportion to our increase in wealth and population, than to surrender the smallest attribute of the national sovereignty?

Mr. G. said, before he concluded, he begged permission to observe, that particular individuals supposed they had an interest in imputing to him

If you had thirty thousand men on the confines of Canada, Great Britain, would then believe you were in earnest. She would know that after that force was raised, it must be applied to its objects, and she would of course begin to calculate its consequences. If she found that the inconveniencies of opposing such a force, would not be compensated for by her hostile aggressions, she would probably abandon them. If she thought that by the chances of war an obedient and friendly colony might be converted into an enemy's country, it would afford a great inducement to her to avoid the war. If she found a hostile population approaching Halifax, the inducement would be increased; for that is the point nearest her heart; and she would risk much in its protection. It is important to her, as a protection to her West Indies, &c. Besides, the war would deprive her of her best commercial customer, &c., &c. These and similar considerations might induce her to prefer peace. Without presenting a competent military force, perfectly prepared and placed in a situation for action, none of these inducements for the preservation of peace will be presented to the British Cabinet. But if, disregarding these considerations, she should prefer war, no gentleman can seriously conclude that even thirty thousand additional troops can be too many for the purposes of war.

NOTE-Observe the chronological statement of the

following facts, and mark the obvious course of cause

and effect.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-Dec. 13, 1808. The question was taken on agreeing to the follow

a wish to involve this nation in a war with Great
Britain, and had accordingly reproached him with
the most unworthy epithets. He said, no gentle-
man present wished for peace, or deprecated waring resolution, to wit:
with Great Britain, more than himself. He said,
he hoped he was not blind to his own interests,
nor the interests of those inhabiting the same

Resolved, That the United States cannot without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France."

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

And resolved in the affirmative-yeas 118, nays 2, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tenas follows:

nessee, Thruston, and Tiffin-21.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Crawford, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Parker, Pickering, Reed, Sumter, Turner, and White-12.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-Feb. 24, 1809. Committee of the Whole in striking out of the eleventh On the question, that the House do concur with the section of the above-mentioned bill the following words: "and to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States:"

YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, L. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Clopton, Culpeper, Cutts, Davenport, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Ilsley, J. G. Jackson, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Macon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Quincy, Randolph, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rhea of Tennessee, J. Richards, M. Richards, Russell, Say, Seaver, Shaw, ker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Butler, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Champion, Cook, Culpeper, Dana, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Taggart, Tall- Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, madge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Harris, Helms, Humphreys, Ilsley, R. S. Jackson, Jones, Allen, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Whar- Kelly, Kenan, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, ton, Whitehill Wilbour, Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wil-Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milnor, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Pugh, Quincy, Randolph, son, and Winn. Riker, Rowan, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Southard,

It was resolved in the affirmative, as follows: Yeas 74, nays 33:

YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, Bacon, Bar

NAYS Messrs. Gardenier and Hoge. The report of the Committee on our Foreign Rela-Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, tions, positively declared, that there were, but three alternatives left to the United States by the belligerents: embargo, submission, or war.

Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Whitehill, Wilbour, Williams, and Wilson-74.

houn, Clay, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Fisk, Green, HolNAYS-Messrs. Bard, Bassett, Boyle, Brown, Calland, Holmes, Johnson, Love, McCreery, John Mont

Of course the resistance mentioned in the resolution, was intended to be resistance by force-not by commercial restriction. Look forward at the infidelity manifested to the principle of this resolution; and re-gomery, Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rhea of Tenflect upon its disastrous consequences. Attempts are now industriously making to cast the public odium nessee, J. Richards, Matthias Richards, Say, Seaver, upon those, who could not be driven from this wise, Smilie, John Smith, Taylor, Wilson, and Winn-33. manly and pledged policy. Do they deserve it? Why are such attempts made?

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IN SENATE-Feb. 28, 1809.

The Senate proceeded to consider the amendments of the House of Representatives to the bill, entitled "An act to interdict the commereial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes."

On the question to agree to the amendment of the eleventh section, as follows: Strike out the words, "And to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States:"

It was determined in the affirmative-yeas 17, nays 11, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Mathewson, Meigs, Mitchill, Parker, Pope, Reed, Sumter, Tiffin,

and White.

NAYS-Messrs. Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Leib, Lloyd, Milledge, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Smith of Tennessee, and Turner.

Mr. Erskine's instructions were given on the 23d of January, 1809, and his arrangement proclaimed by the President of the United States on the 19th of April, 1809. This arrangement was disavowed by the BritGovernment on the 24th of May, 1809.

The French Rambouillet decree took place on the 23d March,.1810.

Yeas and Nays on the passage of the bill to inter-ish dict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Mathewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchill, Moore, Pope, Robinson,

When Mr. GILES had concluded, Mr. ANDERSON rose and addressed the Senate as follows:

Mr. ANDERSON said, he was not a little surprised to hear the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. GILES)

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say, that he was unprepared to oppose a very unexpected motion, when he, Mr. A., had two days before, whilst the bill was under consideration, suggested his intention, in his place, to make the motion he had now made; upon which the honorable member expressed a wish to postpone the consideration of the question, and immediately moved the postponement of the bill, which was not opposed, and of course prevailed. Mr. A. said, that the motion was not, therefore, made without due notice, and, he would add, without due consideration. He had consulted with a number of the members of this honorable body, for whose judgment and opinions he had great respect, and with whose approbation, and he might indeed add, at whose instance, the motion had been made, He was, however, himself ready and willing to meet all the responsibility that might attach to it; not withstanding the surprise of the honorable member as to the quarter from which it had come.

Mr. A. said, he should not pretend to reply to all the various observations the gentleman had thought proper to make, very many of which he considered altogether irrelevant to the question under consideration, but which might, perhaps, answer some other purpose. which the honorable member might have in view.

DECEMBER, 1811.

as soon as an opportunity presented, would most certainly be thrown into that country. Mr. A. said, upon a fair view of the whole subject, as it presented itself to him, he was decidedly of opinion that the number of regular troops to be raised by that bill ought not to exceed 16,000; and he had no hesitation in saying, that in his opinion, as efficient a force would be raised under such a provision within the time limited for taking the field, as would be raised were the present number in the bill retained-and in the former case, we should prove to our enemies, that we were able to raise such a number of regular troops as might be wanted upon a sudden emergency; but in the latter, we should not be able to make the same exhibit. What then would be the consequence ? You would give a most mortifying proof that your means were not commensurate to your ends; that your plan had been badly digested, and worse executed. And surely the gentlemen can have no desire to present such a state of things, at the very moment when all the energies of the nation seem to be required. Mr. A. said, to avoid this extraordinary exhibit was also one of his objects; and this, in his opinion, could be done by taking the course he had contemplated; reduce the number of regulars, and supply the deficiency by volunteers. This, he firmly believed, was in our power. Combine the two corps; take nearly an equal number of each; and the object intended could be effected. Mr. A. said, he was convinced that it was the mode the President had contemplated, and he entirely approved it; and if the honorable member had attended to another part of the President's Message where it speaks of volunteers, he must himself have been convinced, that the President did not mean to make the descent upon Canada with the 10,000 regulars only; which had been understood, as the gentleman had stated, to be the auxiliary force referred to in the Message. The object of the President cannot be better explained than by referring to the Message itself. He says "I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regu

Mr. A. said, he was as strongly impressed with the necessity of a sufficient force, for the invasion of Canada, as the gentleman from Virginia could possibly be, and not a single expression had escaped him to induce a belief that he should be unwilling to vote a proper and ample force for that service; but he differed greatly with the gentleman as to the kind of force we ought immediately to employ. The honorable member appeared to place his sole dependence upon the regular troops; and yet, if he understood his argument, he was decidedly in favor of making a descent upon Canada early in the Spring. As to the time, Mr. A. agreed with him; but as to the means, he certainly differed very greatly from him. The number of regulars contemplated by the gentleman could not possibly be raised within the time; he was therefore of opinion, that a less number ought to be inserted in the bill. It should be recollected that we had very recently author-lar troops; for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for ized the regiments on the Peace Establishment to be filled; they would require at least 6,000 men; add thereto 25,000 more, the number proposed by the honorable member, and he would ask him to answer candidly, whether he really believed that so great a number of regular troops could be enlisted within the time required for the service to be performed. Mr. A. said, impressed, as he was, with a firm belief that not more than half the number proposed by the honorable member could be enlisted within the time they must take the field in order to act efficiently against Canada, he could not see the propriety of retaining the whole number contemplated by the bill. Mr. A. said, it must be well known to every gentleman, that the invasion of Canada must necessarily take place before the breaking up of the ice in the river St. Lawrence; otherwise, twice 25,000 would be required-because large reinforcements, |

a more limited time; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services." The manner in which the President speaks of the volunteers, can leave no doubt upon the mind of any one as to the service in which they were to be employed-they are evidently intended to be united with the regular troops, to perform urgent services, according to the express language of the Message. Mr. A. would ask the honorable member, what was the urgent service meant by the President? Most certainly, a descent upon Canada, in which the regulars and volunteers were equally to participate. Why then, the honorable member had taken so much pains to prove that the 10,000 regulars were the only military force with which the President had intended to perform the urgent service referred to in his Message, Mr. A. was at a loss to comprehend;

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under all circumstances, adventure to predict, that the scheme of now raising twenty-five thousand regular troops, to perform the arduous service contemplated in the President's Message, would entirely fail, and that the course pointed out by the President must at last be adopted; that is, to unite volunteers with regular troops.

Mr. A. said he trusted that the honorable mem

for he understood the Message and the object of it very differently; and he should have expected that the candor of the honorable member would have induced him to have given the Message a fair interpretation. That he had not done so, must be supposed to proceed from this recent but very strong attachment to a regular military force. However anti-republican this doctrine had formerly been, it seemed now to be viewed through aber and himself had in view the same object, but different medium by the honorable member from differed as to the means of carrying it into effect. Virginia. Mr. A. said, that having, as he thought, The means proposed by the honorable member proved, by a fair interpretation of the President's were regular troops only. If then the bill should Message, that he intended to unite the volunteers pass to raise 25,000, entire dependence would, (that might be thought requisite) with the regu- in all probability, be placed upon the regular lar troops, to perform the urgent services of which troops, ordered to be raised; the consequence, as he speaks, he would endeavor to present a fair he had before said, would be, that the whole oband impartial view of the course recommended ject must fail. He was, therefore, for taking the by the President, and compare it with the course regular troops that could be raised in time, and which had been taken and so strenuously sup- supplying the additional number of men, which ported by the honorable member from Virginia. might be wanted, by volunteers-fifteen or twenty The President had recommended the raising of thousand of whom could, he had no doubt, be volunteers; and it was incidentally made known, brought into the field, before ten thousand of the that the auxiliary force spoken of, was 10,000 regular troops, contemplated by the bill, could be regular troops. If then provision had been im- enlisted. By this mode (notwithstanding so much mediately made by the law for raising 10,000 reg-time had been lost) an efficient army might be ular troops, and also for raising volunteers, those troops now would be in a state of preparation; a considerable number of the regular troops would ere now have been enlisted, and the chance of getting the whole number greatly increased. If time had been afforded, as it ought to have been, the laws passed within two or three weeks after Congress met, which might have been done, a sufficient regular force would, in all probability, have been in a state of readiness in all the month of April; and the number of volunteers which might have been required to make up the necessary force, would no doubt long since have offered their services, and the whole have been in a state of preparation to take the field in time to have performed the arduous service contemplated by the President. But, instead of that course having been pursued, what has been done? Your first military bill, reported only a few days ago, is now under consideration; the session now almost half expired; and, at this late period, the honorable member, to whom, as chairman of the committee, &c., the whole management of the military business was referred, insists upon raising 25,000 regular troops, whose duty it shall be to make a descent upon Canada, in all the month of May. Can the gentleman be serious? Does he believe it practicable? If he does, Mr. A. said, he should be obliged to believe, that the honorable member was in earnest some days ago, when he assured the Senate that he knew very little of military affairs. Mr. A. said, from the proofs we have repeatedly had, of the difficulty of obtaining men by enlistment for so long a time as five years, and the want in our country of those kinds of materials of which regular troops are made, he did not believe that one-half the number proposed to be raised by the bill could be enlisted within the time required. Mr. A. said, although he was not as much in the habit of prophesying as the honorable member, he would,

yet provided in time to carry into effect the objects of the Government, which, Mr. A. said, he did not believe could or would be done, if dependence were placed upon the regular troops. Notwithstanding the little confidence which the honorable member seems disposed to place in the volunteers, Mr. A. said, he had no hesitation in giv. ing it, as his most decided opinion, that at least as much dependence might be placed upon the volunteers, as, upon the newly raised regular troops. The volunteers would have the same chance of discipline that the new regulars would have. A sufficient number of those who offered their services might be called into the field, as early as the season would admit, and placed under strict discipline: to which for their own honor they would readily submit-nay, require, if left to their own choice; for the first object they would have in view would be to acquire military skill; and they would not only be very soon prepared to perform field duty, but might entirely be depended upon for any other service. Witness the prowess of the volunteers at the battle of the Wabash, and these had not been disciplined at all. Mr. A. said, he expected the honorable member would admit, that the materials of which the volunteers would be composed, would be at least equal to those of which the regular troops would be formed; and the officers of the volunteer corps being appointed by the President, would, he had no doubt, faithfully perform their duty. Those, said Mr. A., are completely in our power; and he considered it our best policy, as well as our duty, to bring them into action. Mr. A. said in addition to the efficiency of the means which he proposed to bring into the field, it would have one very considerable advantage over the regular army of the honorable member. It would be more conformable to the true principles of the Constitution, and would consequently be more acceptable to the nation. The confidence with which he

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DECEMBER, 1811..

firmness as the regular troops. Many of them were killed and wounded. Among the number, were said to be seven of one family connexion, brothers, brothers-in-law, and cousins; several of whom he had himself seen after the action. Scenes like this, Mr. President, (said Mr. A.,) of which he had been an eye-witness, and in which he claimed some participation, had given him that to the Senate in the course of his observations, and which, he said, should never cease but with his existence. They are, sir, the best military materials in your country-they are the flower of your forests; they ought not to be thrown into the back-ground, the better to enable the bonorable member from Virginia to present his regulars in front.

Mr. ANDERSON said, I have stated, Mr. President, perhaps with some warmth, the grounds upon which my confidence in volunteers has been founded; and be it remembered, said Mr. A., that they were militia volunteers. He said, he ought to have stated, that the enemy they had encountered, was composed of regulars and Hessiansthe whole under the command of the Hessian General Knyphausen. Mr. A. said the volunteers he now proposed raising he would have engaged for nine or twelve months, from the time of their reaching the place of general rendezvous. They should be engaged by officers to be appointed by the President, under such regulations (of course) as might be provided by law; but which could not now be well detailed.

had spoken of volunteers, was not founded upon visionary theory, but practical experience; he had often, in the Revolution, had opportunity to witness their military ardor and persevering firmness; on two occasions in particular, the one at Connecticut Farms, the other at Springfield, in the Spring of 1780. The enemy had advanced, in force about two thousand, to a place called Connecticut Farms, about four miles from Elizabeth-confidence in volunteers, which he had evinced town, in New Jersey. The only troops that were within striking distance to oppose this force, was the brigade of Jersey Regulars, containing then about a thousand men; many volunteers, however, flocked to their standard-the enemy were met by this force-a battle ensued-the American army had the advantage of the ground; but the right wing of the enemy extended so far, that if not suddenly checked, it would have enabled them to have flanked our left. It was necessary to prevent it-services of this kind must be promptly rendered; four hundred regulars and two hundred volunteers were ordered to execute it; no more could be spared from the line. A good position alone could have justified the attempt, with the disparity of numbers. It was first made by manœuvre, but it was soon found it could only be done with the bayonet. A determined charge was made, and it was successful; the enemy were repulsed; the volunteers were upon the left; not a man broke his ranks. Some brave fellows fell, but their places were immediately filled; all be haved with the firmness of veterans. The next day, those troops had the thanks of General WASHINGTON in general orders. The volunteers had Mr. A. said, he should now offer some observaonly joined the regulars a few days before the ac- tions upon the number of troops that ought to be tion. In about two weeks after, the enemy ad-employed. He said that the invasion of Canada vanced in greater force-about five thousand-the was not now contemplated for the first time-it troops who had been in the former action had had often been a subject of conversation, whenkept their position where the battle had been ever there had been any prospect of a war with, fought; it was advantageous for an inferior force; England. It has been considered as the most conit was a defile, covered for some distance on the venient means upon which we could make repriright by a morass; on the left it was not well pro- sal, and thereby obtain some small reparation for tected. Against this position, the enemy again the many losses and injuries, which have been advanced; and, by their increased numbers, they sustained from the depredations committed upon were enabled to extend their right wing so far as the honor and interests of the nation. Mr. A. completely to turn our left. We were obliged to said, that upon different occasions, he had always retreat; but not without having kept the enemy given it as his opinion, that a descent upon Canaa considerable time in check. You know, Mr. da ought never to be attempted with a force of President, there is no situation so trying to the less than twenty-five thousand men; that such a bravery and firmness of troops, as a retreat (for force would make an awful impression-and even you, sir, I believe, had to retreat sometimes.) would, in all probability, save many valuable The volunteers, upon this occasion, behaved like lives; as no opposing force, in the usual state of themselves; a sullen, indignant step, marked the country, would be able to meet it in the field. their movements; and from the mouths of their Mr. A. said, he repeated, that no expression had guns they spoke to the enemy the language of de- escaped him, either in public debate or in private fiance; the enemy did not advance one mile, be- conversation, to justify the insinuations made by fore a fortunate position, supported by determined the gentleman, that he was unwilling to vote a bravery, enabled the united force of the regulars sufficient force for the invasion of Canada. On and volunteers to arrest their progress for the re- the contrary, he believed that no man who had mainder of the day. This day's action began with seen active military service, and who had any the dawn of the morning, and continued until the knowledge of the situation and state of that counsetting of the sun, when the enemy fell back to try, would say that it would be prudent or safe, take a secure position against the expected at- to make a descent upon Canada, with a force of tacks of the night. During the whole of this less than twenty-five thousand men; peculiar day's action, the volunteers kept the stations as- circumstances might, however, render it necessasigned them, which they sustained with as muchry, to attempt with a smaller number, and depend

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