DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

H. OF R.

It is apparent that this trade, the balance of which was in favor, not of France, but of the United States, was not of very vital consequence to the enemy of England. Would she, therefore, for the sole purpose of depriving her adversary of this commerce, relinquish her valuable trade with this country, exhibiting the essential balance in her favor-nay, more; hazard the peace of the country? No, sir, you must look for an explanation of her conduct in the jealousies of a rival, She sickens at your prosperity, and beholds in your growth-your sails spread on every ocean, and your numerous seamen the foundations of a Power which, at no very distant day, is to make her tremble for naval superiority. He had omit. ted before to notice the loss of our seamen, if we continued in our present situation. What would become of the one hundred thousand, (for he understood there was about that number) in the American service? Would they not leave us and seek employment abroad, perhaps in the very country that injures us?

minious submission, the patriotic lessons of freesisted chiefly of luxuries from the West Indies. dom and independence? Let those who contend for this humiliating doctrine, read its refutation in the history of the very man against whose insatiable thirst of dominion we are warned. The experience of desolated Spain, for the last fifteen years, is worth volumes. Did she find her repose and safety in subserviency to the will of that man? Had she boldly stood forth and repelled the first attempt to dictate to her Councils, her Monarch would not now be a miserable captive at Marseilles. Let us come home to our own history. It was not by submission that our fathers achieved our independence. The patriotic wisdom that placed you, Mr. Chairman, said Mr. C., under that canopy, penetrated the designs of a corrupt Ministry, and nobly fronted encroachment on its first appearance. It saw beyond the petty taxes, with which it commenced, a long train of oppressive measures terminating in the total annihilation of liberty; and, contemptible as they were, did not hesitate to resist them. Take the experience of the last four or five years, and which, he was sorry to say, exhibited in ap- It is said, that the effect of the war at home will pearance, at least, a different kind of spirit. He be a change of those who administer the Governdid not wish to view the past further than to guide ment, who will be replaced by others that will us for the future. We were but yesterday con- make a disgraceful peace. He did not believe it. tending for the indirect trade-the right to export Not a man in the nation could really doubt the to Europe the coffee and sugar of the West In- sincerity with which those in power have sought, dies. Today we are asserting our claim to the by all honorable, pacific means, to protect the indirect trade—the right to export our cotton, to- terests of the country. When the people saw bacco, and other domestic produce to market. exercised towards both belligerents, the utmost Yield this point, and to-morrow intercourse be- impartiality; witnessed the same equal terms tween New Orleans and New York-between the tendered to both; and beheld the Government planters on James river and Richmond, will be successively embracing an accommodation with interdicted. For, sir, the career of encroachment each in exactly the same spirit of amity, he was is never arrested by submission. It will advance fully persuaded, now that war was the only alwhile there remains a single privilege on which |ternative left to us by the injustice of one of the it can operate. Gentlemen say that this Govern- Powers, that the support and confidence of the ment is unfit for any war, but a war of invasion. people would remain undiminished. He was What, is it not equivalent to invasion, if the one, however, who was prepared (and he would mouths of our harbors and outlets are blocked not believe that he was more so than every other up, and we are denied egress from our own wa-member of the Committee) to march on in the ters? Or, when the burglar is at our door, shall we bravely sally forth and repel his felonious entrance, or meanly skulk within the cells of the castle?

He contended that the real cause of British aggression, was not to distress an enemy but to destroy a rival. A comparative view of our commerce with England and the continent, would satisfy any one of the truth of this remark. Prior to the embargo, the balance of trade between this country and England, was between eleven and fifteen millions of dollars in favor of England. Our consumption of her manufactures was annually increasing, and had risen to nearly $50,000,000. We exported to her what she most wanted, provisions and raw materials for her manufactures, and received in return what she was most desirous to sell. Our exports to France, Holland, Spain, and Italy, taking an average of the years 1802, 3, and 4, amounted to about $12,000,000 of domestic, and about $18,000,000 of foreign produce. Our imports from the same countries amounted to about $25,000,000. The foreign produce exported con

road of his duty, at all hazards. What! shall it be said that our amor patriæ is located at these desks-that we pusillanimously cling to our seats here, rather than boldly vindicate the most inestimable rights of the country? Whilst the heroic Daviess and his gallant associates, exposed to all the perils of treacherous savage warfare, are sacrificing themselves for the good of their country, shall we shrink from our duty ?

Mr. C. concluded, by hoping that his remarks had tended to prove that the quantum of the force was not too great-that in its nature it was free from the objections urged against it, and that the object of its application was one imperiously called for by the crisis.

Mr. WIDGERY said, there was no disagreement of opinion in the House about asserting the rights of the country; gentlemen disagreed only as to the mode of doing it. He was sorry that the gentleman who had just made so handsome an address on the subject before the Committee, had not cast a single glance at the volunteer corps, which was yesterday under consideration. The militia

of this country, he said, had heretofore been considered as the great bulwark of our defence; and it was still so considered in the Eastern States. The militia of that part of the Union were always ready to perform any service to which they might be called. They are an army of themselves. They are not, like the militia in some other parts of the country, called out to exercise with cornstalks. Every man has his musket in good order, and the service of a militiaman is there considered an honorable service. For himself, he was in favor of raising volunteer corps, in preference to regulars, and he knew not why that bill had been laid aside to take up this. He knew they would be much more easily raised. On being properly addressed, by a beloved officer, he had no doubt that one half or three-fourths of many regiments would offer their services as volunteers; but, if that officer went among the same men in the character of an officer of the new army, he would not be able to get ten men. He was opposed, at all events, to the passing of a bill for raising a large army; for he believed as many men would be got by an act for raising six or ten thousand men, as by one for raising twenty-five thousand.

DECEMBER, 1811.

there is a motion made for the Committee to rise and report the bill to the House. If it be in order, I have some observations to make to the Committee before that is done. I do not perceive that there is any necessity for such haste; it is an old proverb, that in the multitude of council there is safety. The gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. CLAY) has asked a number of questions, and called on gentlemen to answer them. Among other things, if I have rightly understood him, he asks what we have to lose by war, and what we have to gain by peace? These questions I will try to answer; but, before I do so, I will say that he has given us a flow of eloquence and animation seldom equalled, and stated facts and truths not to be denied or gainsaid. I understand him to say, that the number of men proposed by the bill was too few for war, and too many for peace; but, withal, showing the absolute propriety of war. Mr. Chairman, the war spirit is high; perhaps it will not be amiss to infuse a little caution into it. It is contended that we must have war. But will it not be advisable for us to see where we can operate so as to secure the end proposed? Short of this, you do nothing. You spend your blood and treasure to no purpose. I will ask, The honorable Speaker had said, that if the where will you operate on that Power so as to towns of Philadelphia, New York and Boston, effect your purpose-a repeal of her Orders in were to be captured by the enemy, that liberty Council? Not on the high seas? If there, with would still remain. But where? On the rear, what force? Your six or ten frigates, and some he supposed. God deliver him from such liberty. gunboats? No, sir; it is confessed on all sides There was no necessity, said Mr. W., for all this that there she is superior. Well, but we will trouble about raising a regular army for taking make her feel; we will march to Canada; reduce Canada. The militia of the New England States the Canadas and Halifax, and drive her from the only wanted authority to do the business-give Continent. Is it not proper to inquire, when you the word of command, said he, and the thing will are raising an army for such purposes, to know be done. If the bill before the House was passed, what number would be sufficient? Some gentlethere would be no difficulty in getting the offi- men have told me three thousand; some say ten; cers; but the ship's crew would not be so easily some fifteen; some twenty-five; some fifty thoucome at. He was against relying upon regulars sand. Be it so; you have the men to raise, clothe, for protection; if this was to be the reliance, he and march. I will ask, can it be done in secret, should want his property insured. We may, said or in six months? Surely not. What will your he, get ourselves into a war fever here, and pass enemy be doing all that time? Will she look on a law for raising a large regular army, but he quietly, and make no resistance? Is victory sure; would sooner depend upon volunteers-the mili-and, if it was, would that procure the end for tia of the country. Mr. W. read statements to show the support which the New England States afforded in the Revolution, and concluded with observing, that the strength of the country lay in the New England States. When difficulties come, said Mr. W., the militia will be called upon; and it might be well to let them know now, that they are not forgotten. But, for his part, though gentlemen talked much about war, he did not expect the country would get to war. We shall find gentlemen voting for this bill, who will not vote for going to war. We are not at present in a state of war, and there is a bare possibility we may still escape it. He was, however, willing to raise fifteen thousand regulars, and rely upon volunteers and militia for the rest; and in addition to their pay, he was willing to give our citizens, who should thus engage to fight our battles, a liberal bounty in land. We had plenty of it, and it could not be better disposed of.

Mr. BOYD.-Mr. Chairman, I understand that

which you contend? Not at all. You acknowledge that the wrongs are committed on the high seas; and will you bring her to terms by an attack of her provinces by land? But you are to show the spirit of the nation by retaliation. Would to God it was in our power; there is no man feels more indignant at her multiplied wrongs on our lawful commerce than I do; but but the question returns, where shall we find our remedy? I answer, not in the conquest of the Canadas. I will suppose your army marched; Upper Canada taken; you arrive at the walls of Quebec, and you should be defeated-and that is at least possible-how, then, are you situated? Regular troops in your rear, Canadians in your front, Indians on your wings, where or how will you perform a retreat? You could not go forward, and you cannot get back; and, if you could, must not your enemies cross the line into our territory? Will they respect the line from your example? How, then, stands the situation of our States of

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

H. of R.

New Hampshire, Vermont, New York, and the millions of people, rich in resources, with a conwhole range of our Northwest frontier from Que-siderable naval force, and absolute dictator, has bec to the Mississippi? Sir, it is painful in the he, with all his force, been able to cause England extreme for me to say these things, and I do it to repeal her paper blockade or Orders in Counwith reluctance; but, in my conscience, I con- cil? On the other hand, has Great Britain, with ceive it to be an imperious duty to warn my the aid of the Northern Powers, been able to subcountrymen to look at consequences. But, it is due France? Has she, by her superior naval contended that there is no medium between war strength, been able to make France repeal her deor ignominious submission. I think far other crees? No. And will you, whilst she possesses wise. I am no submission man. I was not so in twelve millions of population, with a naval force the Revolutionary war, and I think I am not so that governs the seas, reduce her to our terms by now, I opposed the British then with the great- such force as we possess? No, sir; the thing is est energy that I was master of, and I would do preposterous. Her interest it is that must make so at this time; but here the question returns, her do us justice; and I trust that it will, if we what is proper? Not the measures that we are act wisely. Submission, submission, is the word about to adopt. If my enemy cuts my finger, am that is to work us up to a frenzy. How have I, in order to show my spirit, to plunge a dagger we submitted? Have we not contended for our into his bosom? No, sir; I am no such duellist. right, by negotiation, these five years past? What Adhere to the measures that are proposed, and right have we relinquished? None. Has she you do so to our country; and I cannot have the said that we demanded an unjust thing? No; most distant expectation that they will procure her answer is, that in her desperate conflict she the thing contended for; nor can I believe that it cannot. The embargo and non-intercourse are can enter into the head of any member of this now called submission. Did they not bring Great Committee that it will. No, sir; there must be Britain to form an arrangement, acknowledging something hollow somewhere; where, I cannot our right, through the medium of Mr. Erskine; tell; you are to have an army of officers, not men, and do we not know that he had power so to do? as it was in the Revolutionary war; for some of They have impressed our seamen, and they must the States, at particular times, had hardly men be relieved. Well, and how is this to be done? enough to make waiters for the officers, to ride By taking Canada and by our privateers. If behind them about the country; though I do not there is war, there will be fighting; and, whilst compare those times with the present, or what we they are strongest at sea, the presumption is, that are now about. Sir, it is an easy thing to show they will take more than we shall. Sir, let me our valor and spirit in this gilded Hall; but, take state, that for ten years past, deduct all your my word for it, that five years expensive war will losses, and then we have reserved more for our cool that spirit. At one time we take the Cana- produce than we should have done had Europe das, with a few meu, in a single campaign; and, been in peace, and we had enjoyed all our rights. at another, we hear of five years protracted war Another idea strikes me. If our enemy is in the Five years protracted war! Spending twenty o North, the merchant at Georgetown or Alexanthirty millions per annum, for what? The liber-dria has a thousand barrels of beef, or pork, or ty of exporting, without interruption, our surplus produce, which is our natural right. Granted. But will not war prevent that export and operate as an embargo? Where or how will you export during the continuance of the war? We now export to the amount of many millions, and import so as to have ten or twelve millions revenue. Where or what will be your revenue in the time of your war embargo for five years? Your people, in that situation, cannot pay a direct tax to feed and clothe your army. They will begin to inquire what all this is for? Contracting one hundred millions of debt. If our spirits are high, the people's will be cooled down. Sir, I am afraid that we are about to sap the foundations of our happy Government.

Sir, I will state another case. Suppose your fifty thousand men in Canada, and the British send five or six ships of the line, with five or six thousand troops on board, and land them in the Floridas, Amelia Island, or some parts of Georgia, how would you repel them? Draw back your troops and march them to the South? Before you could do that one of the States might be overrun and plundered. Let us turn our eyes to Europe, and see what is transacting there, by way of contrast. The French Emperor, with seventy

flour-so soon as there is war, the price of provisions will be doubled in Europe. He clears out for New York; so soon as he is out, he is blown off; your enemy fed; the price of rations doubled on us; you will have to pay as high for every ration as it will command abroad. The honorable Speaker has gone far, indeed, in his zeal for rights. He has said, let the enemy seize and lay New York, Philadelphia, and Boston in ashes; nay, let them overrun the whole country east of the Alleghany, and liberty would retire to the West, and live and flourish there. It may be so, but it is too high a price for me; I have no inclination of going there; and it would be poor consolation to me, after everything that was near and dear to me and my people were destroyed. Sir, we have a Chief Magistrate, and I have full confidence in him. He is chosen by a population of seven millions of people; he has asked or recommended ten thousand men to be raised; that number I will vote for, and not higher, at this time. These short observations I have conceived it to be my duty to make.

The Committee rose and reported the bill, with amendments; but the usual hour of adjournment, having arrived, the House declined taking up the report.

WEDNESDAY, January 1, 1812.

JANUARY, 1812.

Mr. SMILIE observed that it had been custom

Mr. JENNINGS presented a petition of the Le-ary heretofore for the two Houses to pay their gislature of the Indiana Territory, praying that respects to the President of the United States on the inhabitants of that Territory may be author- the first day of the new year; and the hour for ized and empowered to elect the sheriffs of their doing this having arrived, he moved that the respective counties.-Referred to the Committee House adjourn, of the Whole,

Mr. JENNINGS, also, presented another petition of the Legislature of the Indiana Territory, praying that the said Territory may be erected into a separate and independent State, and that such State may be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States.-Referred

to a select committee.

Mr. JENNINGS, Mr. JOHNSON, Mr. RHEA, Mr. ROANE, Mr. REED, Mr. LACCCK, and Mr. DAVEN PORT, were appointed the committee.

Mr. LEWIS, from the Committee for the District of Columbia, to whom was referred the petition of sundry inhabitants of Washington county, west of Rock Creek, presented a bill concerning the Levy Court of Washington county, in the District of Columbia; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.

Mr. MACON presented resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of North Carolina, approbatory of the sentiments contained in the President's Message to Congress at the commencement of the present session, and declaring that the evils which the nation has endured have arisen wholly from the unprincipled conduct of the European belligerents, and that they will support the General Government in such measures as may be adopted to promote the interest and secure the union, liberty, and independence of the United States; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

The SPEAKER laid before the House the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy, of the application of the moneys drawn from the Treasury for the use of the Navy Department for the last year. Referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.

The yeas and nays were called on this motion; they were taken, and the question was lost, 56 to 50.

ADDITIONAL MILITARY FORCE..

The order of the day being called for, the House took up the amendments of the Committee of the Whole to the bill from the Senate for raising an additional military force.

Having come to the amendment which proposed that the officers for eight regiments only should be appointed, until three-fourths of the men were enlisted,

Mr. BURWELL moved to amend the amendment by striking out the words "eight regiments," and inserting six."

Mr. WRIGHT hoped this amendment would not prevail. He considered this as a war measure, and if we were to economize in this way at the commencement of the business, he should not calculate upon our acting with effect. Our country was too important, and our rights too sacred, to be frittering down measures for their defence in the manner proposed. In proportion, said he, as the commissioned officers are appointed will the recruiting progress. These officers will inspire the people, in the several parts of the country from which they may be taken, with a military spirit, which will induce them to enlist into the service. He liked the bill better before it had received its present limitation as to the appointment of the officers; but, as the Committee had agreed thus to amend the bill, he did not wish to stir the subject again. He hoped, however, the reduction would not be carried any further.

Mr. BURWELL observed that the gentleman from Maryland had called upon the House not to consent, from motives of economy, to fritter away Mr. MITCHILL wished to make a motion rela- our measures of defence. If, said Mr. B., the tive to the settlement of estates of certain per- House should determine to appoint all the offisons, under the act, now expired, for establishing cers, as at first proposed, I shall be ready to go a uniform system of bankruptcy. Owing to the with that gentleman, and others, as far as practirepeal of that law, though a provision was made cable. But, he thought, there was a great differin the repealing act for cases not then fully comence between expending the public money usepleted under the bankrupt act, certain difficulties lessly, and in such way as to obtain the object in had arisen, which he believed it would require a view at the least expense. But, the gentleman supplementary act to adjust. Mr. M. stated that says that, if all the officers are appointed at once, there were some cases within his knowledge, in the ranks will be much sooner filled than in the which some very important estates could not be way proposed by this amendment. How, said settled without some further provision being Mr. B., can this be shown? It is well known made by law. He, therefore, moved the follow-that these officers will do nothing towards raising ing resolution, which was adopted, and a committee of three members appointed to make the inquiry:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and what, provision ought to be made by law for the relief of creditors under the act for establishing an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States and that they be authorized to report by bill or otherwise."

the men, and the President can at any time appoint them when they may be wanted. He had not made this motion to diminish the effect of the bill, (for he believed the men would be obtained as soon without these officers as with them,) but in order to make the bill more palatable to many gentlemen who at present object to it on the score of expense. If the twenty-five thousand men could be raised by enacting the law,

JANUARY, 1812.

Proceedings.

H. of R.

Mr. MITCHILL, in favor of the extension, the bill was suffered to take the usual course.

there would be propriety in appointing the offi- Mr. ALSTON stated it to be a very extraordinary cers at once; but no man can believe that four or thing that an application should be made for an five thousand men will be enlisted in four or five extension of a patent which had not been granted months; and, as the President will have the pow-more than two years. After some remarks from er to appoint the officers whenever they shall be wanted, no inconvenience can arise from deferring the appointments till that time. And it is, besides, probable that the President will have it in his power to make better appointments then than now, from having more time in which to make the proper selection of characters for the purpose. It ought to be recollected that one-third of the expense of the support of this army, goes to the payment of its officers, and if they were to be appointed immediately, this expense would be incurred without producing any benefit to the country.

On the subject of economy, Mr. B. said, while we took measures for raising a force adequate to the purposes we had in view, care ought to be taken that no money is unnecessarily expended. The raising of funds would put the country to some difficulty, but he had no doubt the expense would be cheerfully met by the people, when they see that no unnecessary expense is incurred.

After a few words from Mr. WRIGHT, the amendment was carried, there being fifty-seven

members in favor of it.

Mr. NELSON said he did not wish to throw any embarrassment in the way of raising the army proposed, but he believed that it would be unnecessary at the commencement of the business to appoint all the officers now contemplated. It was well known that the efficient officers in raising troops are the captains and subalterns. The field officers being of no use until the men are raised, it might be well to defer their appointment until that time. He moved, therefore, to amend the bill by adding the following provision: "That so many of the officers shall be commissioned at first, and so on from time to time, as the Executive may believe necessary for raising the troops."

The SPEAKER declared this motion not in order, at present, but that, when the amendments were gone through, and the bill was before the House, the gentleman from Virginia would have an opportunity of introducing it.

Another motion was made to adjourn, and the yeas and nays called upon it.-Lost by a larger majority than before.

All the amendments having been considered, and others introduced, the question recurred on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading; but, several members expressing a desire to see the bill, as amended, printed, before they gave a vote upon it, a motion was carried for it to lie on the table, in order to make way for another to have it printed, which was accordingly made and carried. Adjourned.

Mr. WRIGHT called up for consideration a resolution which he had laid upon the table some days ago, proposing the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill for the protection, recovery, and indemnification of American seamen. It was accordingly taken up, agreed to, and a committee of five members appointed, viz: Mr. WRIGHT, Mr. BAKER, Mr. PIPER, Mr. TALLMADGE, and Mr. STURGes.

Mr. McKEE stated to the House, that as Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, he had received a letter from the Secretary of War on a subject which did not come properly before that committee, but belonged to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures. This letter complains of the want of goods proper for the Indian Department, and suggests the propriety of making an exception in the non-importation law in favor of these goods. Mr. McKEE, in conformity with this letter, offered the following resolution, which, with the letter of the Secretary of War, he wished might, for the present. lie upon the table, until members shall have had an opportunity of considering the subject:

"Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing, by law, the introduction into the United States of such foreign goods as may be necessary for the usual supply of the Indian Department." Ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. BASSETT wished to make a motion on the subject of a claim which had been before Congress for twenty-four years, and which, therefore, ought to be decided upon. Much difficulty, no doubt, had attended the investigation; but, nevertheless, if the claim be a just one, it ought to be allowed, or, if otherwise, rejected. In order to obtain this object, he proposed the following res

olution:.

structed to inquire into the expediency of referring the "Resolved, That the Committee of Claims be inclaim of Beaumarchais' heirs to some court of the United States, in form of a case agreed between the Attorney General and the agent of the said claim, or in such other form as may be agreed on by the Attorney General and the said agent."

After some objections from Messrs. FISK, PITKIN, QUINCY, and ALSTON, the resolution was negatived. It was stated to be a novel procedure; that if this claim were to take the proposed direction, there were hundreds of others might follow it. It was hoped that Congress would never send any claim made upon the Government to be decided in her courts. This, said Mr. ALSTON, "Would be throwing the independence of the country at the feet of the Judiciary." This The SPEAKER announced a bill from the Sen-claim, though it appeared in the name of an indiate extending the time of certain patents granted to Robert Fulton, which was twice read, and committed; though not without some objections. 12th CoN. 1st SESS.-20

THURSDAY, January 2.

vidual, it was stated was more in the nature of a claim of the French Government upon the Government of this county, than an individua