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DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

upon immediate supplies being furnished, to sus- and interests of the whole Western section of the tain the ground that might be acquired. Mr. A. Union. What, Mr. President, would any one of said, the honorable member had intimated that the old States say, at thus being thrown out of the he had not taken into consideration the peculiar protection of the Union? Nay, what would be situation of the United States in relation to the the impulse of the nation were the President caFloridas, and the other parts of the Southern and pable of declaring, that in the event of a war with Western frontiers. He said he was much indebted an enemy, no matter whom, he would leave either to the honorable member, for evincing so much Philadelphia, New York, or Boston, without of interest for those sections of the Union; but, Mr. fering any defence, to be taken possession of by A. said, he considered those already provided for, the army of the enemy, and leave it to the citi by the provision made to fill up the regiments on zens of the State whose town should be thus octhe establishment, which, when complete, would cupied, to retake it themselves? Sir, the indig amount to ten thousand men; this number will nation of those people, and of the nation, would be quite competent to all the objects suggested by rise to such a height, that whatever respect, esteem, the honorable member, and it had not been con- or veneration they may have had for him, all templated, that he had heard, to remove any of would be instantly swept from their bosoms, and these troops from the South or West; consequently he would be hurled from their confidence forever. the situation of those parts of the Union can have But, said Mr. A., the well-earned fame of our late no relation to the number of men to be raised by illustrious Chief, is his shield and his buckler, as the bill under consideration. These troops are well upon this, as it has been upon many other understood to be exclusively for the Northern sec- occasions; and an elucidation of facts will test tion-and with that express view they are to be the correctness of the assertion made by the honraised. Mr. A. said, before he quitted the subject orable member from Virginia. If, Mr. President, of the Southern and Western frontier, he felt him- there was any one part of the United States dearer self constrained to take notice of some very extra- to the late President than any other, in a national ordinary language, used by the honorable mem-point of view, Mr. A. said, he should naturally ber in relation to the intentions of the late and suppose it was New Orleans. It was, as it were, present Presidents, respecting the city of Orleans, his own begotten child; he had nursed it in its in the event of a war with England. It was ex- infancy, and had almost reared it to manhood. tremely painful to doubt the correctness of any Sir, he could never forsake it; much less could gentleman's statement; but this was of so very he voluntarily surrender it, to be sacked and plunextraordinary a character, that in duty to the sec-dered, as it most certainly would be, by a mercention of the country he represented, and from the ary foe. I will now, Mr. President, examine some respect due to those distinguished characters, Mr. facts, said Mr. A., which have a strong bearing A. said he considered himself bound to take no- upon the assertion made by the honorable memtice, in a particular manner, of the assertions ber from Virginia. It would be recollected by made by the honorable member from Virginia. every honorable member upon this floor, that some Mr. A. said, the words had very much surprised few years ago, when it was understood that Genhim when he heard them uttered; and he had eral Prevost, with a body of troops, had sailed immediately written them down. from Halifax, with intent, as it was expected, for the mouth of the Mississippi, the then President

The honorable member has said, that he did know, that in the event of a war it was the inten-apprehended the movement might possibly be to tion of the late President to let the English take possess Orleans. What was the conduct of the Orleans without opposition, and leave it to the President upon that occasion? Did he leave it Western people to retake it themselves; and he defenceless for the enemy to take? No, sir; he did believe that it was the intention of the present immediately gave orders for all the troops that Administration to act in the same way. [Mr. could be collected within almost any reasonable GILES attempted to explain; but Mr. A. ìnsisted distance, to march immediately for the protection that the words, as he had taken them down, were of the place; and those that were near the seacorrect, for which he appealed to the House. Mr. board were instantly transported by water; and G. desisted from making any further attempt at every exertion was made to throw a sufficient explanation, and Mr. A. proceeded.] If, sir, said force into Orleans and its vicinity, to afford it the Mr. A.. I could believe the late President of the most ample protection. This, sir, happened United States capable of such an act; capable of shortly before the President went out of office; so deliberate an infringement of the letter and and no other occasion presented itself of evincing spirit of the Constitution, and all the moral and his good disposition towards that portion of the political obligations by which he was bound to his Union, until he was succeeded by the present country and to his duty, I should not hesitate to Chief Magistrate, who has also been measurably say, that all his well-earned fame ought to be for-implicated in the same charge, by the honorable ever merged in such an atrocious contemplated act. But, said Mr. A., knowing, as I do, the motives and views by which the late President had been uniformly actuated with respect to the whole Western country, I have very solid reason to believe he never contemplated, nor was he capable of committing so daring an outrage on the rights

member; but of this he has only expressed his belief; he has not, however, told us upon what that belief is founded. Inasmuch then, Mr. President, as the charge exists only in the belief of the honorable member, it is fair to presume purity of intention on the part of the Executive until the contrary shall appear; and this, Mr. A

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said, he felt entirely confident never would appear. The uniform tenor of the President's moral and political rectitude, were ample vouchers for the correctness of his motives, and the purity of his intentions. Mr. A. said, so far as we have had an opportunity of judging of the disposition of the present Chief Magistrate, in relation to the protection of Orleans, we had not the smallest reason to doubt the purity of his intentions; and he had entire confidence, should an occasion present, that the President would faithfully, ably, and impartially discharge the duties he owed to every part of the Union.

DECEMBER, 1811.

with the great deficit which he seems so anxious to charge to the Secretary. The Secretary was opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, from his opinion of the correctness of it. The honorable member was also opposed to it, for the same reason; but from complaisance, he himself tells us, he voted for the repeal. He then, and not the Secretary, is answerable to the Treasury for the great loss sustained by the repeal of that tax; for he has told us, that its repeal depended upon his single vote; and that that vote he gave from complaisance, not from a conviction of its correctness.

The honorable member charges the Treasury Mr. A. said the observations of the honorable Department with a recession from the difficulties member, respecting the Secretary of the Trea- of the nation during the last three years, and with sury, the financial department, and the Adminis-the unwillingness of the Secretary to afford the tration as connected with it, required and should usefulness of his talents to Government. Mr. A. receive an answer. Mr. A. said he considered said he could not well understand the meaning of himself peculiarly bound to support the Secretary, this charge, as the honorable member acknowlas he had been the innocent cause, by introducing edges that Government had not called on the Sechim into the debate, in the course of the observa- retary for greater exertions. Mr. A. said he would tions he had made, in support of his motion, and ask the honorable member-in what do that rethereby bringing upon him the animadversions, cession and unwillingness consist? Have not all which the honorable member had taken occasion the duties of the office been performed? Has the to make. His attack upon the Secretary is of a Secretary ever shrunk from responsibility upon any singular kind; he does not impeach a single offi- occasion, or declined answering to the fullest excial act of that officer, but throws out vague in- tent any of the calls made upon him by Congress, sinuations, in so untangible a shape as almost to either for information or opinion? Has he not defy an inquiry into their truth. The official carried the financial bark safely to this moment, acts of a public officer are always free subjects of not withstanding the difficulties of the times? investigation and discussion; but, does it comport Have not all the public engagements been fulfilled; with the dignity of a member of this body, to as- all the increased expenses been defrayed; notperse without proof, not his acts, but his supposed withstanding the decrease of revenue, occasioned opinions? The honorable member presumes the by the state of our foreign relations? What is Secretary gave his assent to the repeal of the salt then meant by recession? Does the honorable tax-upon what authority does he found his opin-member mean to say, that it was the duty of the ion of the Secretary? No proof can be given of Secretary to point out new branches of revenue; it. Mr. A. said, he had always understood that while those already existing were sufficient to the Secretary was opposed to the repeal of that defray the expense authorized by law? At this tax. His numerous reports prove the fact; in all moment, while we are acting on the subject of the of which, if they are examined, it will be found Army, which will (greatly) more than double the that he considered that duty as one of the bran- public expenses, the honorable member does not ches of revenue upon which he relied. But deign to inquire into the ways and means. He there would be no criminality, if we were to sup- scouts the very idea, and finds great fault with pose that the Secretary had joined in the general him (Mr. A.) because he presumed to make some opinion and given his assent to the repeal, as well inquiry into the present state of the National Treaas the honorable member has done; the fact, how-sury. Whether we now vote six or ten regiments ever, Mr. A. averred to be otherwise. That officer must be supposed more alive to everything connected with the Treasury, than other members of the Government. So far had the Secretary carried this feeling toward the Treasury, that he was not only opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, but Mr. A. had always understood that he was opposed to the repeal of the internal taxes at the time they took place; with a view no doubt not only to be able to meet all the demands that could be legally made upon the Treasury, but to procure a surplus to meet any contingency that the peculiar state of our foreign relations might demand. How then the honorable member can charge the Secretary with the deficiency which the salt tax would have prevented, according to the gentleman's calculation, Mr. A. said he was at a loss to know. The honorable member ought more properly to charge his own complaisance

of infantry, with the addition of those of artillery
and horse, the expense will be great; but we think
it necessary some additional troops shall be raised,
and will vote accordingly. After they shall have
been authorized, and not before, the Treasury De-
partment may be called upon, to point out the re-
sources and present them to our consideration.
The honorable member, not satisfied with his
vague charge of what he calls a recession of the
Treasury Department, extends the charge, in a
most extraordinary manner, to the late and pres-
ent Administrations. To their indisposition to
press on the Treasury, and to disturb the repose
and popularity of the Secretary of the Treasury,
the honorable member ascribes the measures,
which, in his opinion, had dishonored the nation
the last three years. Can this be correct, Mr.
President? Can this House believe that the late
and present Administrations would be capable of.

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force.

SENATE.

acting upon such principles? The honorable dent, and with their result now before us; he had, member has roundly asserted that the late Pres- however, specified two cases under the former ident, that Mr. Jefferson, whenever he was op- Administration-a refusal to incur the expense posed to what he deemed unnecessary expense, necessary to carry the embargo into effect, and a instead of being actuated by his known aversion rejection by the House of Representatives of a proto saddle such an expense on the people, instead position to authorize contingent letters of marque of being, as he had expressed it, averse to taking and reprisal. Mr. A. said, he had always unfrom the mouth of labor its hard earnings, had no derstood, that the Executive had used with great other motive, but a fear to disturb the repose and assiduity every means which had been placed in popularity of the Secretary of the Treasury! But, his hands by Congress, to carry into effect the Mr. President, what is the Treasury, abstractedly several embargo laws; that the laws were as well speaking? and what does the honorable member executed as any restrictive laws, of so pressing a mean, by a fear to press on the Treasury? The character, could have been upon so extensive a officers of the Treasury are mere agents to receive coast, and more so than the restrictive laws of and to pay the money which is collected from the Great Britain and France had ever been, with all people. There is never any real pressure on the their navies and their numerous armies; and that Treasury. If there be at any time a pressure for it was not because this law was not well executed the purpose of defraying any expense, it is a pres- that it was repealed, but in consequence of anosure on the people, who must pay the money, ther consideration, well known to the honorable Whether the Treasury has ten or twenty millions member himself, who can give as accurate a histo collect from the people, and to pay to the other tory of the repeal of that law as any honorable agents of Government, the repose of the Secreta- member of either House. Mr. A. said, with rery is not in the least disturbed. When, during spect to the failure, on the part of the House of the Revolutionary war, Congress was obliged to Representatives, to adopt contingent letters of call on the people for heavy taxes, or unable to marque and reprisal, he could not see how that redeem our paper money, the pressure fell on the could with any propriety be attributed to the late people, who had the taxes to pay and in whose President. He did not indeed, by an official hands the paper money died away. When, not-message, recommend such a measure; and the withstanding these inadequate resources, we were unable to defray the most necessary expenses, the pressure fell on whom? On our empty Treasury? No sir-it fell on the Army-on the defenders of your country on those war-worn veterans, who were scantily fed, hardly clothed, and not paid at all, and whose earnings, at last, fell into the hands of speculating harpies. But, sir, what effect had this state of things upon the personal repose of your then Commissioners of the Treasury? Not the least, except so far as they felt för the distresses of their country, and identified themselves with its fate; and it is only in this point of view, said Mr. A., that the repose of a Secretary of your Treasury can be disturbed on similar occasions. That substitution of the Treasury-of the chest into which the taxes are paid-to the people themselves who pay them, is one of those equivoques ADDITIONAL MILITARY FORCE. of which the honorable member is so fond., It is, The Senate resumed the second reading of the however, an artifice too thinly veiled, to deceive bill to raise, for a limited time, an additional milthe Senate, or mislead our constituents. Mr. A.itary force; and the motion made by Mr. ANDERsaid, the course taken by the honorable member soN, to strike out the word "ten," section, one, had been so devious, that it had been hard to fol- line three. low him, and indeed sometimes to understand his meaning correctly.

Mr. A. said, he could not, nor did he intend, when he rose, to answer all the observations of the honorable member-he had selected the most prominent, and should answer only one or two more. The honorable member had said, that to the unwillingness of the late and present Administration to incur expense, he attributes the present situation of our country. Although he has made this charge against the Administration, he has not specified any case in which the present Administration had refused to incur expense. Mr. A. supposed it would have been rather too bold a charge, after the measures adopted by the Presi12th CoN. 1st SESS.-3

correctness of such a course might well be doubted, upon Constitutional grounds. But, Mr. A. said he well knew that the President was anxious for a provision of that kind, as a substitute for the embargo; whether in the precise phraseology of the provision the House rejected, Mr. A. could not say; but knowing, as he did, that the President was desirous of a strong substitute, he was sorry that the honorable member had attempted to attribute to him the failure of so important a measure, for which he was in no way responsible.

WEDNESDAY, December 18.

The bill extending the time of certain patents granted to Robert Fulton, was read the second

time.

Mr. CAMPBELL of Tennessee rose, and, in substance, made the following observations. He said he would submit to the Senate some of the reasons which would govern his vote on this question, and then he would notice such of the remarks made by the honorable gentleman from Virginia (Mr. GILES) as appeared to him to relate to the grounds on which he acted. It would seem, said Mr. C., from what has passed on this subject, that little or no difference of opinion exists, especially among gentlemen on the Republican side, with regard to the objects to be effected by the troops proposed to be raised. All appear to admit the time has arrived in which you ought to, and must act; the crisis requires it; and nothing

SENATE.

Additional Military Force.

DECEMBER, 1811.

short of a speedy and honorable accommodation and again amalgamate with their fellow-citizens, of existing differences, securing your rights, or without a murmur. Hence, the expense would open war, in which you may avenge your wrongs, be inconsiderable, the time of service being probwill meet public expectation. To produce one or ably short. It is, therefore, fair to calculate, if the other of these results, and be fully prepared your regular force amounts to twenty-seven thoufor either alternative, was his object; and he sand men, that you ought to, and will have in acwould vote for such a force as appeared to him tual service, and, of course, in pay, forty thou best calculated for that purpose. If all are seri- sand men. And will it be contended that this ous, said Mr. C., as I trust they are, in the pro- force is not sufficient to accomplish all the purfessions made on this subject, the only difference poses which the most sanguine have in view? of opinion appears to be in regard to the number But, it seems, volunteers are not now to be reand kind of troops necessary to effect the objects lied on. You must depend entirely on regular in view. Our decision on this point must be troops-on a standing army. This doctrine is of governed by the information we possess. The modern date among Republicans, and may, if it amount, as well as the description of the forces should gain currency, sap the vital principles of to be raised, ought, in a great degree, to be pro- your Government. The language of the Presportioned to and regulated by the impression in-ident on this subject, in his Message, breathes a tended to be made on your expected enemy, and very different spirit. He recommends "that adthe probable force to be resisted or subdued. The equate provision be made for filling the ranks purpose for which these troops are raised, and the and prolonging the enlistments of the regular immediate use to be made of them, appear now troops; for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for to be made no secret. The honorable gentleman a more limited term; for the acceptance of vol. from Virginia (Mr. GILES) told you this force of unteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a twenty-five thousand troops, proposed to be raised " participation in urgent services; for detachby this bill, ought to be considered the Army ofments, as they may be wanted, of other porthe North, and are intended to take and occupy 'tions of the militia," &c. Here, we perceive, Canada, &c. If it be intended, said Mr. C., to he considers the new force recommended to be Occupy this country, of which, at present, there raised as only auxiliary to the present regular appears no ground to doubt, it ought to be done force. Hence, it would seem fair to conclude he with the least possible delay, and in a time much did not mean the number of the former should shorter than would be required to raise so large exceed that of the latter. But, he seems to place a regular force. This number, with the present considerable confidence in "volunteer corps," establishment of ten thousand men, make an ag- on the ground that their "patriotic ardor may gregate amount of thirty-five thousand. Of these court a participation in urgent services; those you have in service little more than five thousand. very kind of services for which the force is now Of course, near thirty thousand are yet to be en- to be provided. He did, therefore, contemplate listed. To raise and discipline this number, or that such volunteers should constitute an efficient the half of it, would consume more time than part of the force to be employed in effecting the ought to elapse before you act, if you are deter-more important objects now in view; and that, mined to act with effect.

The motion is, to strike out the word "ten," the number of regiments of infantry, for the purpose of inserting "six." This would make the number of troops to be raised by this bill somewhat less than seventeen thousand men, and increase the whole regular force to nearly twentyseven thousand men. Mr. C. said, from the best view which he had been able to take of the subject, upon the information we now possess, this force, aided by a proper proportion of volunteers, would be fully competent to effect any object the Government can have in view; to resist and subdue any force; and to occupy, if necessary, any territory in your neighborhood. On any sudden emergency, the number of volunteers or militia actually employed, might, and, perhaps, generally ought to equal, and, on many occasions, much exceed that of the regular troops, as they could be organized and marched to the scene of action in much shorter time than would be consumed in raising regular troops, would consist of better materials, and could be more relied upon to make a first impression than newly enlisted troops without the advantages of discipline. They would, also, when the service was completed, lay down the military character, return to their homes,

the militia, also, should be engaged, and contrib ute their share in supporting any contest that might ensue. But, it seems, your volunteers and militia are considered totally incompetent to perform any important military services. From them you are required to withdraw your confidence, and place it in regular troops only, of whom, you must raise an army sufficiently large to effect all your purposes. Let this doctrine be once established, and the people may tremble for their liberties when it is too late-when their chains are riveted upon them by a military power. But the attempt to raise so large a regular force at this moment, would retard instead of accelerate the completion of the objects intended; for, it will be found impracticable to enlist and organize such force in time to act before the proper season is gone; before the ice breaks up in the Spring. You might, indeed, collect that portion which consists of officers, but you cannot fill up the ranks. If ten or fifteen thousand effectives could be brought into service in time, it would equal his most sanguine expectations. You would, therefore, have, it is believed, a force equally efficient, if the proposed amendment prevailed, as if the bill passed in its present shape, while your expenditures would be thereby greatly

DECEMBER, 1811.

Additional Military Force..

SENATE.

diminished, and no obstacle whatever presented to there be, at this time, to increase your regular the most decisive and vigorous course of proceed-force to thirty-five thousand men? Have you no ing. If immediate operations be intended, as he trusted they were, they must be principally car ried on, in the first instance, by volunteers, who could, and ought to be embodied and prepared to act on the shortest notice. For this purpose, authorize the Executive immediately to officer, organize for a limited time, and put into motion, such number of volunteers who may tender their services, as shall be deemed competent to the occasion; bring to the scene of action as many of your present regular troops as may be spared from other services, and can, with the least delay, be concentrated; and let these, united with your volunteers and such of the new troops as can be raised in time, make the first impression, seize and occupy the country contemplated, and maintain the contest until the additional regular force, about to be raised, can be organized and brought into actual service. These may, then, support, and, in due time, relieve your volunteers. Hold the advantages you may have gained; repel any force that may be brought to oppose them, and extend, if required, your acquisitions; while, in the mean time, sufficient corps of the militia may | be called into service and employed within the limits of the Union, with such of the regular troops as may be retained for the purpose, to protect your frontiers from incursions by the savages, and your coasts against attacks from a foreign enemy.

confidence in the knowledge possessed, and the opinion formed on this subject by your Government? Have they not as ample means, at least, as we have, to obtain correct information? This, no one, it is presumed, will deny; and the honorable gentlemen told you they are of opinion ten thousand additional troops, making the whole regular force twenty thousand, would be sufficient for the present occasion. To those, the Government, no doubt, intended to add as many corps of volunteers, properly officered and organized for the purpose, as circumstances should require; and such united force would, certainly, be competent, according to the present state of things, to subdue any opposition to be expected, and to occupy any territory in your neighborhood, that comes within the avowed object of your present preparations. But, Mr. C. said, he was willing to go further; to increase the regular force to nearly twenty-seven thousand men, and make ample provision for bringing into actual service such corps of volunteers, officered by the Executive, and such number of the militia as shall be considered necessary. Should his motion not prevail, he would, notwithstanding, vote for the bill, and for any other measures proposed that could, in any degree, contribute to maintain the rights and character of the nation. He should, also, at any future day, vote for such additional troops as the crisis might then require; and this appeared to him the most efficient as well as correct course. Raise, at present, the number proposed by the amendment, which most, if not all who are in favor of actual resistance, allow to be necessary, and before they are organized, you will be better able to determine what additional force, if any, will be necessary. This would produce more unanimity, occasion less delay, and could not, in any possible degree, weaken your operative measures, or embarrass your Government.

This mode of proceeding would enable you to act, before the season shall pass away in which your operations could be carried on, with the least probable resistance, and the greatest prospect of success. The most distinguishing feature that could characterize your proceedings, at this moment, would be, the expedition with which you progress, both in Legislative and Executive operations. But, if you wait, as seems to be contemplated by the gentleman from Virginia, until twenty-five or thirty thousand men are, by enlist- Mr. C. said, believing, as he did, the force proments, raised, disciplined, and put in readiness for posed by the amendment fully competent to acactual service, the time to act will have passed complish the objects all profess to have in view, away; the ice will be broken up, and the ap- he was unwilling to vote for a greater number. proaches by water to the country intended as the He was opposed, on principle, to swelling the scene of action, will be thereby opened; and, regular military force beyond the bounds really you may have to effect your object, should it then demanded by the crisis, as it would be setting a be practicable, at more than double the expense dangerous precedent, that might, hereafter, be reof blood and treasure that would have been re-sorted to as a pretext for augmenting, from time quired had you taken advantage of the proper to time, without sufficient cause, or beyond the time. What evidence have we, said Mr. C., to nature of the exigency, your standing army; unshow that so large a regular force as that pro- til the people might, perhaps, be awakened from posed by the bill is necessary? The object, as their security, as has been the case on many ocavowed by the gentleman, is to occupy Canada.casions in other countries, by feeling the pressure From the best information he had been able to ob- of the chains of military despotism. He was, tain, there are not more than six thousand regu- also, unwilling to charge the nation with expenlar troops, if there be that number, in the prov- ditures which its tinances were not prepared to ince. The gentleman states the number at about meet, and which, in his opinion, the occasion did seven thousand. Suppose the latter to be correct, not require. He trusted it was not the intention would not double the number of regular troops, of any one, by raising so large a regular force, (allowing for accidents of every description,) be and thereby incurring so great an expenditure, sufficient to oppose to those? And, would not beyond what it is believed was necessary, to drain your volunteers be able to cope with Canadian your Treasury, embarrass your fiscal concerns, militia? Upon these data what occasion can land paralyze the best concerted measures of your

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