On this part of the subject-the only part which gentlemen have been pleased to touch-there is very little difference between us. I have no difficulty in believing, that ever since the year 1806, not only Great Britain, but France also, have given us repeated causes of war, which, according to the former usages of nations, is justified whenever an indignity is offered, or a national right violated. I am not one of those, therefore, who suppose that "Great Britain has done us no essential injury." Far from it. I am fully sensible of the indignities offered to us, and the repeated violations of our rights as a neutral nation on her part; but this is not enough for me. I must be persuaded that there is a rational hope that war will remedy the evil which we experience, and that it will not bring with it others much more to be dreaded than that under which we labor. Were these things as little questionable as the course of the British Government has been unjust, I should have no hesitation in uniting my efforts to obtain justice by force.

H. OF R.

or substitutes, in her own dominions. So that the Orders in Council, as to the retaliatory object, could have very little, if any, practical effect.

On the subject of the impressment of our seamen, much has been said in the course of this debate. The distresses of fifty thousand American citizens on board the British ships of war have been described in feeling language and painted in glowing colors, particularly by an honorable member from Kentucky, (Mr. JOHNSON.) Without believing that the actual number approaches that supposed, I feel for our unfortunate countrymen in that situation, and readily admit that there is cause of complaint against Great Britain, arising from that source. But, on this subject, it is important to view the question on both sides, to enable us to ascertain whether we are not claiming more than we can ever rationally expect to obtain. Our native citizens, or those who were members of this community at the close of the Revolutionary war, are unquestionably entitled to exemption from impressment But we claim it for every person who shall sail under our flag-at least, for those that have been naturalized since the period mentioned. I confess I am not disposed to enter into a war for the security on the high seas of the latter class. I think we do enough (more than any other Government on earth does) when we place those persons upon a perfect equality, as it respects the enjoyment of every right within our territorial jurisdiction. So far, no other nation has cause to complain, because we do not interfere with any right claimed by them, either sanctioned by public law, or of a questionable character. But further we cannot go, without interfering with the claims of other sovereign Powers, sanctioned by long practice and acquiescence. Allegiance is due from every person in a social state to some Government. In the dark ages of superstition and despotism, it was claimed as due by divine right; but since the dawn of civil liberty, it has been considered as a duty growing out of an implied compact between the governors and governed, and indissoluble like other compacts, without the mutual assent of the contracting parties. On this principle is founded the doctrine of perpetual allegiance recognised throughout Europe, and the British pretensions, by which they reclaim their subjects found on board of our merchant vessels, where they allege they are not entitled to protection, no more than enemy's property and contraband goods, for which they have an unquestionable right to search. Thus, while they claim the right of impressing their own subjects only, the similarity of manners and language, and the abuses of power by British officers, causes the

So far am I from admitting that the British Government is justified in adopting her Orders in Council-the great cause of complaint-that I deny both their premises and conclusion. The principles upon which they purport to be founded, is the right which Great Britain claims to retaliate upon her enemy the evils meditated against her by the decree of Berlin. I do most explicitly deny the doctrine, that a belligerent can justifiably annihilate the unquestionable right of a neutral, because it may be calculated to distress an enemy, or seem retaliatory of some unjust regulation adopted by him. It is neither justified by reason nor by any principle of public law. Nor do I believe Great Britain more correct in her conclusion, that "the Orders in Council, in their effect, would retaliate on her enemy the evils meditated against her by him." On the contrary, it seems to me that they had a direct opposite tendency. The most important feature in the French Berlin decree, was that which was intended to exclude from France, and the countries under her control and influence, British produce and manufactures -the blockading part being merely nominal. It would either be rigorously executed, or it would pot. If it could not be executed, (as was then generally believed.) the American flag afforded the best means of introducing the articles interdicted to the Continent; so that the enterprise of our citizens, seconded by the habits and wants of the people who have been accustomed to this commerce, would have reduced the decree to a mere shadow. Should, however, the vigor of the French Government be competent to effect the anti-commercial system, and execute the Berlin decree, so as to exclude British products and man-impressment of many of our native citizens. ufactures, there then remained no prospect that In considering this part of the subject, I deem France would be distressed by the destruction of it unnecessary to investigate the justice of the the remaining commerce with her, left to us. We doctrine for which Great Britain contends, or furnished her with none of the great necessaries how far it corresponds with the abstract "right of life. Our principal trade was in the colonial of man ;" I speak of the fact. It is enough for products, which, by the Berlin decree, and sub- us to know that these pretensions exist, have long sequent municipal regulations, were totally ex- existed, and will not be abandoned. We must be cluded, with a view to encourage their growth, I conscious that we cannot impose our principles

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lated. The consumption of your tobacco, a greateral years, to which has been superadded every staple of the Middle States, reduced to one-fif indignity and insult to which a nation can be teenth of the whole quantity consumed in France, subjected; yet has it never entered into the imaand that monopolized by the French Govern- gination of any one that our honor required we ment, who pays your merchants what its rapacity should avenge ourselves on the imperial wrongdictates. You see your cotton, once the great doer by carrying war into his own dominions. and profitable staple of the South, subjected to No! it would be considered as a mad and hopesuch enormous impost duties, as almost amount less attempt. You have been in the habit of payto a prohibition, for the avowed purpose of en-ing tribute (considered as a badge of dependcouraging the culture of that article in Italy, and ence) to the Dey of Algiers and other Barbary the south of France; your flour and provisions Powers, for the express purpose of securing the find no market there, because she has a surplus property of your merchants from capture, and of her own production. The other articles in your citizens from slavery, when engaged in a which we are permitted to trade are so inconsid-commerce to which you have the most unqueserable in value that they form no serious item in tionable title. You have lately entered into a the account. Besides all this, you see your mer- compact (for so you will call it) with the Emchants, after having submitted to the injustice of peror of France, by which it was stipulated, French regulations, and the rapacity of French that, in consideration of his permission to us to officers, compelled to invest the little remnants trade to England, (a right which we held inof the proceeds of their cargoes in French silks, dependent of his control,) we would cause our wines, and brandies, in regulated proportions. rights to be respected by her. Why were all Sir, this detail ought to convince us that a com- these things suffered and done? Where was this merce thus shackled and limited is not worthy honor that is now goading us on to a war with the crusade which is meditated, and that the pros- Great Britain? Why was war, the only balsam pect as to its future value is still more gloomy. I to heal our injured honor, not resorted to? There believe were the Orders in Council repealed to- is but one answer I can give consistent with the morrow, our commerce to France would not be respect I owe to the Government. Prudence forworth two millions, and circumscribed as it al- bade it. War was not calculated to cure the ready is, as long as the anti-commercial system evil which affected us, but to make it worse. I continues, we may expect that it will daily di- think so now. Can the waste of our blood and minish. treasure heal the wounds which the nation's fancied honor may have received? Are we to draw upon us all the miseries that attend war, and all the dangers with which it is surrounded, without any practical good in. prospect, when perhaps at the end of seven years we shall be compelled to sit down and acquiesce under the system against which the war is waged, merely to have it to saythat we acted like men of spirit ?

But we have been told that all calculations, as to objects, means, or consequences, are to be laid out of the question, as sordid and low-minded. That, feeling our country's rights violated and her honor assailed, we ought to march heedlessly on to seek redress at every hazard. I confess I was astonished to hear such a course recommended. In the most unimportant concerns of life, a prudent man calls to his aid his best reason Sir, I fear we have not been sufficiently attenand deliberate judgment. But it seems in the tive to the progress of events which have passed great concerns of the nation, where its peace is before our eyes-events which have affected a at stake and its future destiny hazarded, we must radical change in the aspect of the civilized close our eyes, set all prudence at defiance, and world. We have attributed the injuries and inmove boldly on to our object, and not disgrace dignities which we have experienced to causes ourselves by consulting the lessons of wisdom distinct from the true ones; we have supposed and experience which lie in our way. Sir, this that, to the abstract and individual injustice of nation's honor is the prosperity and happiness of the men who are the rulers of Great Britain and the people. I cannot consent to purchase national France, was to be traced all our evils; when, in misery, even should it be accompanied with what fact, that injustice was the inevitable result of gentlemen call national honor. The abstract existing circumstances, and when the true sources notions of honor which regulate the conduct of lay much deeper. The present state of the Euindividuals, and which are valuable in private ropean world, is the primary cause from which life, ought not to be a rule of action for wise those principles that have so seriously affected men to whom are committed the affairs of na our commerce have received their origin. And tions-otherwise we might wage perpetual war. to me it appears vain to expect that our neutral In the whole history of our Government, pru- rights will be respected, until the causes which dence has been considered as essential to regula-have subverted every venerable principle, once ting our measures, particularly those which affect a rule of conduct between nations, shall no longforeign nations. We have not suffered ourselves er exist. We may make arrangements with to be led away by our feelings, but were governed by the very calculations which gentlemen now affect so much to despise. If we had not, we should have waged a Quixotic war long since against France. Her decrees were executed with the utmost severity upon our commerce for sev- I

France for the revocation of her decrees, and with England, for the revocation of her Orders in Council. But there will be no permanent security; we must participate in the evils (in some shape) which have fallen on the community of civilized man.

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Before the great changes in the aspect of Eu- theirs: or we must determine with whom we rope which have grown out of the French Rev- will be on amicable_terms during the present olution, the checks afforded by a division of the conflict in Europe-England or France. This power of the Continent into many distinct sov- is a question of prudence, and could have been ereignties, gave security even to the weakest. long since easily solved. The commerce of EngThere was a natural jealousy, which was all alive land, and her possessions in every quarter of the whenever any attempt was made by any one to globe (and it ought to be recollected that we are infringe the principles which mutual interest, and going to war for commerce) in a state of amity, mutual security, had long consecrated. In the is open to us, and is of vast importance; the wars which happened, there were always many commerce of France is very much restricted, and interested in the preservation of those rights comparatively of no value. England can destroy which the common consent of all had established our commerce to France-France cannot affect for the safety of neutrals, who were ready to ours to England. We are secure from the hosmake a common cause against those who should tility of France at home and on the ocean, and violate them, and whom belligerents dare not exposed to both from England. But we have provoke to hostilities. Hence neutral rights were made the selection of our enemy, and a strange secure, because there were ample means to en- selection it is. I should say nothing respecting force respect. But the cause of this security no it, were the causes of offence on the part of longer exists-the effect, therefore, will be looked France less than those on the part of Great Brit for in vain. There are now but two great Pow-ain; but however unjust the conduct of the lat ers in Europe-one holding the dominion of the ocean, and the other of the land. They are mutually interested in the prostration of neutral rights, which are always in conflict with belligerent claims and pretensions. Are we capable (against such an immense host, a population of perhaps eighty millions) to compel them to yield obedience to our demands? Or who can we call upon to assist us in giving security to the almost forgotten privileges of neutrals? There is no hope for us as long as the present war continues, and continental Europe remains under the dominion of its Imperial dictator.

ter may have been, and certainly has been, there is no parallel in the perfidy and indignity which we have experienced.

It has been supposed by some that it is necessary to go to war to revive and preserve our martial spirit. It has been said that nations long enjoying the blessings of peace become enfeebled and corrupt, and ultimately fall victims to foreign dominion or domestic ambition. Holland has been mentioned as an example. In point of fact the example is not appropriate. She was engaged in almost all the great wars of the Continent during the last century, and some maritime wars in which she was principal. There is a strong instance of an opposite character in the history of Switzerland. She maintained her warlike character, her independence, her liberty and simplicity, for centuries, though seldom engaged in war, until she found her grave in the common tomb of European nations-the French Revolution. The causes of the degeneracy of nations is to be found elsewhere-luxury, in the higher classes, consequent misery in the lowerwith the corruption of morals that follows, are among the forerunners (if not the causes) of the fall of Empires. But let it be as it may, I am not prepared to draw upon the country certain evils now, to avoid possible evils hereafter.

There is another delusion with which we seem to have been carried away, and which follows us to the present moment. We have considered ourselves of too much importance in the scale of nations. It has led us into great errors. Instead of yielding to circumstances, which human power cannot control, we have imagined that our own destiny, and that of other nations, was in our hands, to be regulated as we thought proper. If experience is to have any influence over us, we may see how gros-ly we were mistaken heretofore. The embargo, and all its kindred meas ures, which were to bring the unjust belligerents to our feet, have recoiled on ourselves. The next thing is war, and this is recommended as a certain cure. I fear by the time it is over, we The substantial and leading object of the war shall learn practically, (if we will not learn soon- in which we are about to embark, is the abaner,) that there are periods in the history of nations donment of the British Orders in Council. It is when not to act is a virtue; when those who not proposed to effect our purpose by engaging in manage their affairs must accommodate them-a maritime warfare with Great Britain; that our selves to circumstances, make a choice of evils, most sanguine politicians seem to have relinand forego a favorite object, because its attain-quished. But it is supposed that we can either ment is impracticable, or there is too much haz-compel her to do us justice, or indemnify ourarded in the attempt.

In the present state of the European world, if we intend to have any intercourse with it, there is one of two things we must sooner or later do. We must either permit our merchants to carry their enterprise to whatever quarter their interest of inclination may lead them, without being considered as pledged to protect their rights, or redress their wrongs, when out of our limits, so that the hazard, whatever it shall be, will be

selves for her injuries by taking possession of her provinces on our Northern frontier. Without entering into the question whether a conquest of Canada and the provinces to the north and east would have either effect, I do not believe that such conquest can be effected. The men required (the first great war material) cannot be obtained. There are great calculations made on the spirit of the country, and we are told that there is something in the atmosphere of Wash