dependence into which they have voluntarily placed themselves. It is not rational to expect that those who are bound by their attachments to the British Government, or by gratitude for its benefits, would act in any other way than we ourselves would act in similar circumstances. They will meet the invader, whoever he may be, with a bold and manly resistance.

JANUARY, 1812.

the difference between estimates and expenditures. By some means or other, our Military and Naval Establishments cost us double as much as they do any other nation, proportioned to the force we employ; and indeed such bas been the management, (how it has happened I do not know,) that under the profuse and profligate Administration of Mr. Adams, the Army Sir, I presume it is admitted by all who treat and Navy cost us less by one-third than it has the subject seriously, that the British provinces done during the economical Administration of can be subdued only by a considerable military one of the latter years, making the proper allowforce, which it requires time to prepare, and ance for the difference of the number of men and which, when raised and ready for service, will ships employed. I think, therefore, when it is require time to perform the serious task assigned recollected that these troops are to be enlistedthem. Is it probable, that while these prepara- collected from distant situations to proper rentions are making on our part, for the avowed dezvous-marched to very remote regions, atpurpose of making a descent on her provinces, tended with their baggage, artillery, ammunition, that Great Britain will be patiently looking on ? &c., the annual additional expense of the troops Will she not, (having the dominion of the ocean,) proposed to be raised by this bill, and the bill al give employment to your force, in defending your ready passed, may be estimated at little less than cities and coast, which she will keep in a con- fifteen millions of dollars. Our ordinary peace stant state of alarm by her ships of war? Or, expenses, including the civil list, the Army and should, she even permit you to strike the first Navy now in being-interest and principal of the blow, and should your troops get into Canada, public debt, and other miscellaneous expendiand actually obtain possession of the country, tures-fall little short of fifteen millions. If an is it to be expected that no diversion would be additional naval force should be equipped, which attempted by her on our own shores, to bring will be necessary to co-operate with the Army, back your forces to protect your sacked cities and and the volunteers put in motion as proposed, unprotected coast of eighteen hundred miles in with the defensive measures which will be indisextent! You would have the credit (if any pensable, we may estimate our whole expenses duthere could be in it) of waging offensive war, for ring the war at forty-five millions of dollars per no other object but to be reduced to the necessity annum. Where are the means to defray such of defending the next moment your own shores an enormous expenditure? The duties on imfrom the predatory invasions of your enemy post and tonnage, if not entirely annihilated, invasions, not for conquest, but for rapine and must be greatly lessened. We shall have no destruction, in which our cities may be reduced commerce to England, nor to the West Indies, to ashes, as Copenhagen has been before them. which belong to her almost exclusively. We Should you, however, under these circumstances, shall not be able to pass the iron-bound coast of be able to retain possession of the conquered ter- Britain to carry our commerce to the coast of the ritory, (contrary to my expectations, I confess,) German ocean, and to the Baltic. The Medi-will it not be a galling reflection that we have terranean is commanded by the British naval acquired the frozen wilds of Canada to compen- force. The East India factories on the coast of sate us for the irreparable injuries and losses Malabar and Coramandel, and the islands in the which we have suffered at home? For my own Indian ocean, are entirely in the possession of part, though I might be safe beyond the Alle-Great Britain. And your trade to China must ghany mountains, where it is said (by Mr. SPEAKER) liberty would dwell were the whole Atlantic country destroyed, I cannot consent to make such an unprofitable exchange.

pass by the Cape of Good Hope, which is occupied by your enemy. Under such circumstances it cannot be expected that any considerable part of the war expenses can be defrayed by any reBefore we enter headlong into this war, I sources from which we now draw our revenue; should think it necessary (whatever others may the greatest estimate that can be made is two do) to make some estimate of the expenditures millions per annum. We must therefore look to which will become necessary, and of our pecu- something else. Internal taxation will not anniary resources. In 1809 we had in service, ex- swer the purpose, because there are but few obclusive of the corps of engineers, about sixty-jects which can be taxed to any considerable eight thousand troops; which, according to a amount in a country like ours without being sestatement laid before us by the Treasury Depart- verely felt. Every person must recollect the ment, cost the country, including all incidental direct tax of two millions levied during Mr. charges, three millions three hundred and forty- Adams's Administration; though the sum was five thousand dollars, which is about $492 per comparatively small, yet it pressed hard on the man on an average. We have indeed an esti- people. It was a heavier tax than they had been mate on our tables, in which it is supposed that accustomed to pay to support their State governa regiment of infantry, under the existing estab- ments. Forty-five millions, which is about onelishment, can be maintained at the expense of fifth of the whole proceeds of our national inabout $167,000 per annum; but every person dustry, certainly cannot be raised in this country who has paid any attention to this subject knows by any mode of taxation that can be devised

supposing the people as willing as you could wish them. In England, where the people have been accustomed to taxes in every shape, and on every necessary and superfluity of life, and where they can bear more than in any other country, owing to the immense capital continually in action, the income tax, graduated according to the amount of the income, was originally not more than ten per centum on the highest grade, (until it was doubled by the Ministry that came in with Mr. Fox,) and yet every person must know the convulsed state of public opinion when it was imposed, and the distresses which it produced in that country.

H. of R.

the battles of our independence would have been made the instrument in consigning us to a' military despotism., "But the dark cloud which threatened to extinguish the beams of liberty, which just began to cheer and warm our horizon, was dissipated by the guardian genius of our Revolution." There are, indeed, times when the spirit of liberty is wide awake; then there is not so much danger. But circumstances have such influence over us, that a total apathy often succeeds the most tempestuous contention, and a sense of foreign danger is favorable to the cause of ambition. It is then that those who have armies at their command, bind the people hand and foot, who awaken from their slumbers only to see that they are no longer free. Such were our opinions in 1798; what has produced the change I do not know, unless we were then out, and now we are in, and, indeed, I have seen enough of public men to lead me at least to fear that there is no other substantial distinction bePulteneys, the Foxes, the Pitts, and the Grenvilles of England, all acted on the same principle; they did the very acts, when in, which they reprobated as pregnant with every evil, when out. Lleave to others to say whether our American parties act more consistently.

But it is stated that we may borrow. Suppose there is capital enough in the country to justify our expectations. It will be necessary to create a revenue competent to meet the ordinary peace expenses of the Government, and to secure the payment of interest and annuities, and the ultimate redemption of the principal. This will require taxation-not much relished at any time-tween political parties. The Walpoles and the and which must be oppressive at a time when the people are necessarily subjected to many privations, and deprived (for want of commerce) of the ordinary means to pay. Should it, however, be practicable for the Government to borrow even to the extent of the whole annual expenditure, including the peace expenses, at the end of three years, (the shortest period we can possibly suppose the war to last,) we shall be saddled with a debt of one hundred and thirty millions, a much larger debt than that incurred as the price of our independence. And if I am not much mistaken as to every other object, if we end where we began, the friends of the country will have great cause to rejoice.

Sir, I see many dangers which may follow even a successful war. We have been taught, ever since the dawn of freedom, that standing armies were dangerous to liberty. The sages and heroes who laid the foundation of our independence, and who erected and supported the fair edifice, not only cherished this jealousy (handed down to them from their forefathers) during their own times, but in their public acts, designed for posterity, they endeavored to inculcate it into the minds of those who should live after them. But there has been of late a strange revolution of sentiment. Standing armies are now supposed to be constructed of different materials, breathing nothing but the purest patriotism, and acting only for their country's good. Sir, standing armies are always the same; the materials which compose them, and the subordination to which they are subject, fits them to become part of a machine regulated and moved by those who command them. And their interest generally happens to conflict with the rest of the community. If ever there was an army that possessed patriotism beyond others in their situation, it was the army of our Revolution. And yet I believe, had it not been for the virtues of that man to whom, under Divine Providence, we are indebted for our liberties-whose like, I fear, we shall never again see-the army who fought

There is one consideration distinct from all others, which ought to inspire us with caution in entering into the contest between the two great belligerents: England is contending not only for her own existence, but in doing so, she secures us from the attempt to subjugate us to the power of France, to which we should be otherwise exposed. I feel myself under no obligation for any good intention towards us on her part; it is a sense of her own danger, and her struggle for security that produces the effect; but the fact is unquestionably so. Viewing the character of him who has enslaved Europe, I cannot believe otherwise than that if England shall fall, we shall not remain unassailed. It is said other objects more important will occupy his ambition. The miser may prefer an English to a French guinea, but that does not convince me that he would not take both, could he get them. Those who have paid any attention to the nature of the human heart, and to the history of man, must know that ambition, like avarice, is never satisfied. Those with whom it is the ruling passion, proceed from conquest to conquest, and after having subjugated the whole world, dissolve in tears, because there is not another world to conquer. What encouragement is there then left for us in a war where victory is defeat, and success, ruin!

We hav been emphatically asked, (by Mr. SPEAKER,)" what are we to gain by peace?" I was astonished at the question. What are we to gain by peace? What are we not to lose by war? Liberty! security! and happiness! are the great blessings which we hazard! Leave me these, and take your trade to the Continent, or your Orders in Council. With all the difficulties which we encounter, and the ills which befall us, we are still the freest and happiest nation on which

the sun shines. I fear, sir, we shall draw upon us the just displeasure of Heaven, if we estimate her bounties, lavished upon us with such a profuse band, so lightly.

JANUARY, 1812.

On motion of Mr. MORROW, a committee was appointed to inquire into the expediency of confirming the northern boundary of the State of Ohio, as designated by the Constitution of that State; and of providing by law for the actual surveying of the Western boundary lines of the said State; to report by hill, or otherwise. Mr. MORROW. Mr. LACOCK, Mr. DESHA, Mr. WILSON, and Mr. POND, were appointed the committee.

ADDITIONAL MILITARY FORCE.

The bill for raising an additional military force, was then taken up.

Some gentlemen who are advocates of the measures recommended by the Committee of Foreign Relations, but who are enemies of war, suppose that it will not be necessary to employ, or even raise the force contemplated; they believe that whenever Great Britain discovers that we are determined to maintain our rights by force, she will abandon her unjust pretensions, and render us ample justice. Could I seriously suppose such an effect to follow these preparations, I Mr. RHEA said, that when he contemplated the would (much as I deprecate the expense and the Message of the President, communicated at the other evils which attend them) unite with them beginning of this session of Congress, and the most cordially in their purpose. But gentlemen clear, distinct, and comprehensive view of the reought to be cautious how they calculate upon the lations of the United States with foreign Powers fears of Great Britain. We have made experi- therein presented, very little, indeed, appeared to ments of the embargo, non-intercourse, and non- remain to be said on the subject embraced by the importation, all addressed to, and intended to oper-resolutions reported by the Committee of Foreign ate upon. her through the medium of the same passion, but we found ourselves mistaken. If you consult her history, you will find that she has never been driven from her purpose by the threatening attitude of her enemy, and I assure you this is not the time for her to begin. Should she continue in her course, your preparations notwithstanding, what will those gentlemen do, who are for showing a bold front, but are against war? Will they then disband the Army, or will they not be compelled to go on, let the consequences be what they may,

Sir, I have detained you and the House longer than I expected. I feel grateful for the attention which has been bestowed, and the indulgence which has been extended to me. Permit me, before I sit down, to appeal to your judgment, and pray you not to engage in the great European contest, from which, when once embarked, there is no receding, and the consequences of which cannot be foreseen. Until the waters subside, and the ancient landmarks of the world reappear above the flood, abandon not your ark of safety. Venture not on the boisterous ocean, while the billows are running mountain high, and the tempest is raging. If you do, I fear you will go to

the bottom.

After Mr. SHEFFEY had concluded, Mr. RHEA said he wished to deliver his sentiments on the passage of the bill, but, as it was late, he moved an adjournment, which was carried.

SATURDAY, January 4.

Mr. MORROW, from the Committee on the Public Lands, presented a bill to establish a land district in the Illinois Territory, east of the District of Kaskaskia, and to attach certain public lands to the District of Jeffersonville; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Tuesday next.

The bill from the Senate, "for the establishment of a quartermaster's department," was read twice, and referred to the Committee on the Military Establishment.

Relations, or on the subject more particularly under consideration.

Mr. R. observed, that he did not altogether approve of the bill in its present form, but he would vote for it, believing it was the best, at this time, that could be obtained.

The President of the United States is the Constitutional organ of information to this nationwhat he proclaims to be a fact, is entitled to the highest credit, and is to be believed. More than one year has elapsed since he proclaimed to the people that the decrees of France were revoked, so far as related to the neutral commerce of the United States; and at the commencement of this session of Congress, he intimates, in his Message, successive confirmations of the extinction of those decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce. These obnoxious decrees, then, certainly, are so far revoked. In his said Message, the President informs that the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to France has carried out with him the necessary instructions relative to wrongs done to the commerce of the United States by France, and to the restoration of the American property seized and condemned; the result of which will be communicated to Congress. For these reasons, he would not at present investigate the relations of the United States with France, or with Denmark, or Russia, or with any other Power on the Continent of Europe. The report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and all the measures of a warlike nature growing out of that report, are avowedly pointed at England. When it becomes expedient and right for me, said Mr. R... to take into consideration the relations of the United States with France, if it ever shall so be, they shall, by me, be considered and acted on without respect or partiality to persons or things. It has been said that the United States are at peace; but if they be at peace, it is a peace of its own kind. is a peace of suffering sacrifice-a peace in which, for several years past, the United States have been enduring all manner of possible injuries and oppressions inflicted by England, without doing

It

one act of hostility in retaliation. But the President in his Message informs Congress, and this nation, "that the British Cabinet perseveres in 'the execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures which, under existing 'circumstances, have the character, as well as the ' effect, of war on our lawful commerce." This declaration, of the highest authority, sufficiently exposes and explodes the opinion that the United

States are at peace.

H. OF R.

many. England has violated the sovereignty of the United States in many particulars: every impressment of an American seaman is a violation of that sovereignty-thousands of them have been impressed and refused to be restored; property of citizens of the United States, to a great amount, has been unlawfully captured and condemned; and England has refused indemnifica tion. Pierce was murdered, and his bones are crumbling into dust, near the bones of those who, It has also been asked, "did you ever know in the direful prison ship Jersey, at New York, Great Britain to have been drove from her ob- were sacrificed to appease the wrath of the of ject?" This question is answered directly in the fended majesty of England. Although an atoneaffirmative. Yes, Mr. Speaker, the Revolution- ment has been made by promise, and accepted, ary war, which terminated in the independent for the murderous attack on the Chesapeake, the sovereignty of the United States, presented to blood of the ill-fated American seaman who was the world a sublime fact, manifesting that Great forced from that unresisting ship (and afterwards, Britain was driven from her object. Her object under a name, tyrant-like, imposed on him, was then was to seize in her unrelenting fangs, and to murdered on a gallows at Halifax) has not yet rend in pieces, the innocent and unoffending peo- changed its color. What shall be said of the ple of this nation, at that time few in number, many forgeries of American ship-papers, and of and ill prepared to meet the mighty enemy; but the many counterfeitings of the American flag, He, who rules the nations, had determined to whereby that flag, the sovereign ensign of this separate the people of this nation for ever from Union, became a shame and disgrace, and a byGreat Britain and, in the end, Great Britain word among the nations of Continental Europe; was driven from her object. This, however, is and the loss of a great quantity of the property of not all the defeat of every coalition of European the citizens of the United States in consequence Powers, instigated by England against the French thereof accrued? What shall be said of the disrevolution, gives irresistible evidence of Great avowal of the arrangement made in good faith Britain being driven from her object. If war by the United States with Mr. Erskine, the acshall be with England, it has not been desired or credited Minister of England? But it was disaprovoked by the United States. Not long after vowed, and that disavowal was a just cause of the Treaty of Peace, England began her course war. By the Treaty of Amiens, England, then of inimical depredations, and increasing them in in possession of Malta, stipulated to surrender it number and in magnitude, in proportion from to the Grand Master of the order of St. John of the time of their beginning, has steadily perse-Jerusalem; England afterwards refused to survered in the execution of them to the present render Malta to that order, and war, for that vioday; and all that time the United States have lation of a solemn agreement, was by France persevered in their endeavors, by negotiation, to recommenced, and has since continued with unaobtain an amicable settlement of differences. Yes, bating fury. Let the many voluminous docuthey have persevered, in a manner bordering too ments containing all the diplomatic correspondnear to humiliation, to avoid war and to live at ence between the United States and England, by peace; but every friendly proposition has been their respective Ministers, on the subject of exist rejected, and it seems as if nothing but the re-ing differences, be read over, and the astonished duction of this nation to a servile state of colonial existence, can satiate the appetite of voracious England. If, then, war shall be, let England look to it-human blood, in the event, will be poured out, and will flow to increase that ocean of blood which loudly calls for retribution. In relation to the issue of a war, the United States have nothing to fear; for on this side is arrayed eternal justice, unfurling her flaming standard and conducting to victory.

This subject has been treated as if the United States had no cause of war with England, and as if they were wantonly provoking war: this leads to consider the causes of war; the means of carrying on war, and the object of war. But it is asked, will you go to war for commerce? It is answered, England has been at war for commerce the greatest part of two hundred years; and shall not the United States protect their commerce, in which is involved the safety of their seamen and the rights of the people?

The causes of war which this nation has are

reader will turn from them with disgust; for they present, on the part of England, want of faith, and a determination to do nothing by negotiation: and good faith and a strong desire on the part of the United States to do nothing without negotiation, endeavoring thereby to preserve peace with England.

What shall be said of the domineering interference in the Florida business? or of the encouragement given by England to citizens of the United States to violate the laws of their own Government? What shall be said of the late attack on the frigate President? Will it be said that, notwithstanding all these monstrous violations of the sovereignty of this nation, and of every moral principle, there is no cause for war against England? Let the declaration be boldly avowed. that he who makes it may be known.

But it has been said that war will endanger our Republican institutions; and that a Republi can Government cannot stand the shock of war. If this doctrine be true, that a Republican Gov

Additional Military Force.

ernment cannot stand the shock of war in vindication of its inalienable and moral rights, it is bad, indeed-worse than bad-not worth contending for a Government not able to defend itself against all aggression ought to be changed; but the Government of the United States is not a Government of this description. The Constitution of the United States, in the development of its principles, will manifest that the Govern-harass our frontiers, and to murder and scalp ment of this nation is as strong, if not stronger, than any Government in the world, and for this plain reason, that it is a Government of the people.