H. OF R. Additional Military Force. JANUARY, 1812. of inferior wealth. Do you want an illustration? What have you got, at an immense expense of Which is most necessary in America-blankets blood and treasure? a national curse! and rifles or furs? Suppose the savage on our Northwestern frontier would not let us have their furs, they would not get our blankets and rifles. Do not gentlemen see the avidity, notwithstand ing all the difficulties attending the trade, and the consequent high prices, with which British manufactures are purchased here? The gentleman from South Carolina has founded a strong argument, in the reduced price of this cotton, for resisting the Orders in Council. But the low price of his cotton is no proof of the depreciation of British manufactures. But we are to go to war to conquer the liberty of the sea-France having tried this in vain. France, with an army of a million of men, with Bonaparte, Massena, and other famous generals at their head, having failed in this enterprise, some of our famous colonels are determined to succeed. This appears farcical. But as to the principle of the Orders in Council, take France out of the way, and he believed there would be no hesitation in resisting them. The question has been, shall we resist the minor, and put up with the major injury? But, situated as we are, he would resist the Orders in Council. But he saw no connexion between an army of twenty-five or fifty thousand men, and a repeal of the Orders in Council. Suppose the Chinese had as great a maritime force in their seas as the British have in the Atlantic ocean, and China was at war with Japan, and had passed similar orders with the British. We have no trade to Japan; she has some decree, either governmental or municipal, to prevent our going there; would his friend from South Carolina, whose heroic spirit and manly mind he admired, undertake to compel the Chinese, with a population of three hundred and fifty millions of subjects and a large fleet of ships-of-the-line, by passing a law to raise twenty-five thousand men. to repeal her restrictive orders against our commerce? This would be outquixoting Quixote himself; and outheroding all our former Herodings. With a law for raising twenty-five thousand men, whom you cannot raise, you are to set out on an expedition to conquer the liberty of the sea; and where? He did not know whether he understood his friend from South Carolina; but he seemed to have some project in his mind-the torpedoes having failed, he supposed he had gotten some other new invented machinery to be put in motion by the Falls of Niagara; but what it was he understood not. You will, to be sure, have done a favor to Canada. You will have purchased, at a dear rate, her independence. This is very benevolent and philanthropic-and might be a very proper consideration for a quaker meeting or philanthropic society, but not for this body. But after Canada shall be conquered, commerce could not be forced into that inhospitable climate; and yet we are to bring upon ourselves land taxes, excise, and internal taxes of every description, to obtain it. Are there no limits, asked Mr. R., to the territory over which Republican government may be. extended? Is it, like space, indefinite in its extent? He believed that whenever the valley of the Mississippi came to be filled up, we should find our mistake on this subject. You are laying the foundation for a secession from the Union on the north, by the possession of Canada, and on the borders of the Ohio, for another division. The Ohio has been made the line between the slaveholding States and those which hold no slaves. He need not call the attention of the House to this distinction, nor to the jealousies and animosities growing out of the subject. Mr. R. said, if he thought these twenty-five thousand men could effect their object; if they could be raised; if, being raised, they would not be more dangerous than the Orders in Council or French decrees, he might have been disposed to favor the passage of this bill. But why should gentlemen wish to raise a larger force than the Executive wants-than he is disposed to use? For, with all his jealousies of Executive power, when we go to war, we must do one of the two things: We must either give the President such a military and naval force, and let him use it; or, if he decline using it, remove him and put some man in his place who will use it. There is no other alternative. Will any one suggest any other? You have an agent to execute certain business, he asks from you a certain amount for effecting the business on hand, you give him double-you force it upon him-you compel him to waste it. Would not this be deemed extraordinary conduct in an individual? If we place confidence in the Executive, we ought to act up to his views, and not adopt measures to force him beyond the point to which he is willing to go. Mr. R. felt an utter incapacity to do a proper degree of justice to his sentiments on this subject; but he could not suffer the bill to pass without. making one more attempt to put it in the power of the House to retrace their steps from this illadvised measure. There is one view of the subject, which he must be permitted to take. No wise man would undertake any important measure until he first calculated the manner of effecting his object, and We are going to war-going to raise twentyconsidered the situation in which he would be five thousand men-going to sweep away His placed after his purpose was attained. Mr. R. Majesty's Government from the British Provinwould overlook every other consideration. He ces. He sometimes was ready to persuade himwould indulge gentlemen in their most romantic self that he must be laboring under a mental denotions of success. He would consider the Amer-rangement-that the thing could not be. What! ican standard as hoisted on the walls of Quebec, raise twenty-five thousand men for this purpose; and even at Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. when it takes you from the 5th of November to the 10th of January, to get a bill, which comes to your hands ready cut and dried from the Senate, passed into a law; when you have yet to pass your volunteer bill, your navy bill, and above all, your appropriation bill. Why, Captain Cook would have sailed around the world before you can get through this; and yet you talk about rying on offensive war, while everything shows you incapable of carrying on such a war. H. OF R. the table that forty-five votes could be had in favor of it; and he had been surprised that no gentleman had brought this proposition before the House, instead of talking about paper restrictions-paper armies-paper money. It is true, the Constitution has prohibited paper; but what is the Concar-stitution? It is a paper Constitution. It says nothing but gold and silver shall be a tender; that no appropriation shall be made for an army for a longer term than two years; but, in despite of our Constitution, appropriations have been applied to the Army more than two years after they were voted; but if this be inquired into, you will be told that it is a Treasury regulation, which is made to supersede the Constitution. But, by the aid of war speeches and the previous question you may get your war measures passed. But the previous question will not replenish an empty Treasury, nor supply the places of your killed and wounded men, nor carry on your war. No; you would have to take the measures of your predecessors, and infuse a little more energy into the Government. Mr. R. was afraid we should not be inclined to copy after the not unwise example of our predecessors of the Republics of ancient times-of the ancient world—to attend to the auspices under which we are acting-to the signs of the times. Is it possible that this most imprudent measure, this first actual war in which we have been engaged since we achieved our independence, should be entered upon under present circumstances-when eclipses, comets, earthquakes and the most desolating visitations of God are taking place? Can these be the harbingers of any good? But if it had pleased Him, in whose hands are all things, to harden the heart of Pharaoh, that the Children of Israel may suffer he supposed they must suf, fer without complaining. He should like to be told by his worthy friend from South Carolina, what purpose he finally and eventually proposes to accomplish by the war on which we are about to enter. Let us, said he, come down to the level of old-fashioned common sense-tell us, if we must endure all the evils of war, what we have to expect in return. He knew he had detained the House to little purpose; but he wished to put it in the power of the gentlemen to revise and think better of a vote, on which, in his opinion, depended the ultimate happiness, security, and everything dear to this country. He knew how very easy it was to make war; nothing easier than to make either national or personal war. It was as easy to go to war as to get a wife; and many a poor blockhead had he seen strutting his hour, because he had, after vast exertion, married a shrew. Mr. R. wished, if they could do no better, that Congress would adjourn, and suffer the members to go home and consult with the good old planters of the country on the subject of this war; and ask them if they are willing that their sons shall go to fight the Canadians, and whether, to support the expense, they be willing to submit to the payment of direct and indirect taxes, in order that we may get possession of the great mill-seat at Niagara ? Mr. R. was the more anxious to hear the opinion of his friend from South Carolina as to the effect proposed to be obtained by these measures, because he believed him to be one of those pure, disinterested politicians, who sought nothing, and would receive nothing from the Government of his country-who came here, at an expense of his time and fortune, to discharge the trust so worthily placed in him by his constituents. Mr. R. was proud to say that he stood on the same ground-that he never occupied any other-on it he should forever stand as long as he remained in public lifeand probably remain what is called an opposition man; because the moment the outs get in, they do the very things against which, whilst the were patriots, they loudly exclaimed. They realize the old fable of Æsop, "it was your bull that gored my ox." Let, however, the Government come to any resolution, in which the rights and liberties of the country are involved, if he had no strong objection to the course proposed, it would receive no captious opposition from him. He should despise any capitous opposition; but when you come to raise standing armies, to treason bills, to bills for the suspension of the habeas corpus, to unlimited taxation, to the violation of the most sacred provisions of the Constitution, he should then put in his veto. Whose bill is this, asked Mr. R., upon which we are now debating? Is it the bill of the wise, the sober, the discreet, the cautious, the thinking man, who now fills the Chair of State? No. Is it the bill of either of his two able coadjutors, men of clear minds, first in business, first in human affairs-solid, thinking, ingenious, wily, cunning-never at a loss-something like a cat, always on their feet? He knew this bill did not come from them. It is an anti-ministerial measure, and, therefore, though he was somewhat surprised at some of the support which it received, he was not surprised at the countenance it had from others. Whose system, then, is it? It came from the other House. Upon what is it bottomed? Upon any regular report? Not, he believed, upon even a resolution. We have no information upon what object the force is to be employed, or who is to command it-and that is of some importance. He should like to see the Commander-inchief named in the bill, though it would be adopt If the two Houses were to adjourn only for six weeks, it would afford time for the present war fever to subside; and by that time the Hornet would have returned. He did not believe, indeed, at present, if a declaration of war was laid uponing a new mode. This is a project, said Mr. R., which, a few years hence, no man will father-no one will acknowledge it to be his project. It will be said the bill originated in the Senate-that there was a great alarm in the country; that the Senate being a branch of the Executive, were supposed to possess the most correct information-that the whole party was for it-that he (the member who gives this account) was rather against it, but that he had given way to the general opinion; and where will then be the man who brought forward this bill? Gone to the vault of all the Capulets. He had frequently heard of thoughtless individuals being drawn into scrapes; but he never before heard of a nation, a sober-minded nation, being drawn into a war, not only against its own consent, but against the best judgment of those intrusted with the Government. He repeated that it was an anti-ministerial measure, which will be attended with no trifling consequence. JANUARY, 1812. that men in whose integrity he had the most unbounded confidence, in whose judgment he had the highest opinion, should suffer themselves to be carried away by clamor-not only against their own judgment and feelings, but against the will of the Executive branch of the Government. Pass this bill, said he, and we shall be disbanded long before the army we are about to raise, without being entitled either to half pay or a bountry in land. Who, asked Mr. R., are the Governors of this country? Are not the people? Is not the people's money to support the expenses of this war? │It is, then, a question for them to settle. He knew they must settle it through their Representatives. If the nation be not disposed to fight, it will not be war speeches, made here, that will goad them to battle. You can neither make the people go to war, nor keep them at war, unless they be convinced they have no other resource. When dissatisfied, they will speak a language which will be heard. Mr. R. said he was a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations. This House is independent of the Executive branch of the Govern- Mr. R. said he had the most profound respect ment; yet in every question connected with war, for the intentions of gentlemen who differ in opinas that department is best acquainted with the ion from him on this question. God forbid that subject, and the resources of the country, and as he should arrogate to himself to judge not only it must eventually be intrusted with the execu- as to the correctness of measures, but as to intention of war measures, there was but one course, tion. Have we a right to say that the intentions after the committee met, which common sense of the majority of those who supported the meaprescribed, and that was to apply to the Execu-sures of '98, were corrupt? Certainly not; but tive branch for information on this subject. I was on his motion, that the Secretary of War appeared before the committee, and gave them a plan of what the Executive deemed necessary to be done, and the committee reported accordingly. And what has been the result? Without any further information from the Executive, we have changed our views on the subject, and taken up a bill from the other House, we know not from what source. Mr. R. believed we had as good a Government as we should ever see. He spoke of the Executive branch. He asked no favors of them; all that he had to ask of our Ministry was, that they would keep their hands out of his pocket. But why this violent struggle against Executive wishes? If, under the operation of the proposed system of measures, the people murmur against their rulers, what must the Executive say? Of course, he will say, "I laid my plan before Congress, and told them what measures ought, in my opinion, to be pursued; but they turned a deaf ear to it. Somebody, or nobody, brought forward a bill entirely different from what I had recommended; but it was passed by a large majority of both Houses, and I did not choose to put my veto upon it." we know the nation, when they had time to examine into those measures, withdrew from them their support. And who are the great Republicans, the majority of the present day? They are the same who opposed and condemned the doings of the Congress of '98. There was so much to be said on this subject, that he had not touched upon; and so much to be well said, that he had said most lamely, that Mr. R. felt reluctant to take his chair. He would not, however, further weary the patience of the House. He hoped some other gentleman, better qualified, would take up the points he had omitted. He had spoken principally as to the views and designs of the Administration, as counteracted by the bill on the table; he would not say, or insinuate designedly; though he did not believe that the bill proceeded from the warmest friend of the Administration. He hoped time would be afforded further to consider the subject; that, if the present motion did not succeed, a motion to postpone to a day certain would be more suecessful. The question on postponement was taken, without further debate, by yeas and nays as follows: YEAS-Abijah Bigelow, James Breckenridge, Elijah What can be said under these circumstances? Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, The Executive stands acquitted. Not a tittle of John Davenport, jr., William Ely, Asa Fitch, Richard responsibility attaches to him on account of the Jackson, jr., Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, jr., Nathaniel Macon, Archibald McBryde. Jonathan 0. measures we are taking. Where then does it lie? Moseley, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jr., Elisha On the House of Representatives. Where are R. Potter, John Randolph, William Rodman, Daniel they? Gone to their respective homes; and, Sheffey, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Lewis B. when they meet again, who are they? A differ-Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Laban erent body of men. Wheaton, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson-29. Mr. R. said it was most astonishing to him, NAYs—Willis Alston, jun., William Anderson, Ste JANUARY, 1812. Additional Military Force. H. OF R. gan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Joseph Pearson, Israel Pickens, William Piper, Josiah Quincy, John Randolph, Jonathan Roberts, William Rodman, Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Daniel Sheffey, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, William Strong, John Taliaferro, William Widgery, and Thomas Wilson-60. The question was then taken on receding from the amendment which formed the twenty-fifth section of the bill, providing that the officers should continue in commission during such term only as the President shall judge requisite, and carried by about the same majority as the last. venson Archer, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Josiah Bart- uel McKee, Arunah Metcalf, James Milnor, James Morlett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Harmanus Bleecker, Thos. Blount, Adam Boyd, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmore, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thos. Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Kent, Wm. R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, Aaron Lyle, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, James Milnor, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Anthony New, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Israel Pickens, William Piper, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Josiah Quincy, William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, Ebenezer Seaver, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Silas Stow, William Strong, George Sullivan, Peleg Tallman, John Taliaferro, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jun., Pierre Van Cortlandt, jun., David R. Williams, William Widgery, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright-98. -The question was then taken on receding from the amendment in the proviso to the first section of the bill, which limited the appointment of officers to six, regiments, and was decided as follows: YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, Ezekiel Bacon, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, Abijah Bigelow, William Blackledge, Elijah Brigham, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, Samuel Dinsmoor, William Ely, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, William McCoy, Alexander McKim, Samuel L. Mitchill, Jonathan O. Moseley, Anthony New, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Timothy Pitkin, junior, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Elisha R. Potter, William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, George Sullivan, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Peleg Tallman, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jr., Pierre Van Cortland, jr., Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, Rich. Winn, and Robt. Wright-67. NAYS-David Bard, William W. Bibb, Harmanus Bleecker, Thomas Blount, Adam Boyd, James Breckenridge, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, Epaphroditus Champion, James Cochran, William Crawford, John Davenport, jr., Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, Asa Fitch, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, John M. Hyneman, Richard Jackson, jr., Richard M. Johnson, Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, junior, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, Archibald McBryde, Sam The next question was, on receding from the twenty-sixth section of the bill, which provided that no general, field, or staff officer should receive pay until called into service. This question was lost, there being 49 votes for receding and 76 against it, as follows: YEAS Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Ezekiel Bacon, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, Wm. W. Bibb, Harmanus Bleecker, Jno. C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, Samuel Dinsmoor, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, John M. Hyneman, Joseph Kent, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livingston, William Lowndes, Alexander McKim, Samuel L. Mitchill, Anthony New, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Thomas Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, Benjamin Tallmadge, Peleg Tallman, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, junior, Pierre Van Cortlandt, junior, and Leonard White-49. NAYS-Stevenson Archer, David Bard, A. Bigelow, William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, Adam Boyd, Jas. Breckenridge, Elijah Brigham, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Elias Earle, William Ely, James Emott, William Findley, Asa Fitch, Thomas R. Gold, Aylett Hawes, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, jr., Richard M. Johnson, Philip B. Key, William R. King, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, jr., Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, Geo. C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, Archibald McBryde, William McCoy, Samuel McKee, Arunah Metcalf, James Milnor, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Jonathan O. Moseley, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Joseph Pearson, Israel Pickens, William PiPer Timothy Pitkin, jr., Josiah Quincy, John Randolph, William Reed, Jonathan Roberts, William Rodman, Ebenezer Sage, Ebenezer Seaver, Daniel Sheffey, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Silas Stow, William Strong, Lewis B. Sturges, George Sullivan, Samuel Taggart, John TaliWilson, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright-76. aferro, Laban Wheaton, William Widgery, Thomas The last question was on receding from the twenty-seventh section, which gave power to the President to appoint officers in the recess of the Senate, which was carried 61 to 40. Resolved, That this House do insist upon the third amendment disagreed to by the Senate H. OF R. FRIDAY, January 10. Employment of the Army. Mr. LEWIS, from the Committee for the District of Columbia, presented a bill to incorporate the Trustees of the Washington College; which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next. Mr. BLACKLEDGE, from the committee appointed on the subject, presented a bill to alter the times of holding the District Courts of the United States for the North Carolina District; which was read twice, and ordered to be engrossed and read the 'third time to-morrow. On motion of Mr. MORROW, the Committee on the Public Lands were discharged from the consideration of the petition of the President and Trustees of the Natchez Hospital, referred yester day; and the petition was referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures. On motion of Mr. BACON, the Committee of Ways and Means were discharged from the consideration of so much of the above-mentioned petition as was referred to them; and it was also referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manu factures. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate recede from their disagreement to the amendment to the bill "to raise an additional military force," which has been insisted on by this House. On motion of Mr. MILNOR, a committee was appointed to inquire and report whether any, and what, amendments are necessary to the act, entitled "An act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings, in each State, shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other State;" the committee to have leave to report by bill, or otherwise. Mr. MILNOR, Mr. CHEVES, and Mr. Law, were appointed the committee. 720 JANUARY, 1812. compelled to bear, less burdensome, and prevent render the load of life which they are at present them from having recourse to intoxication. If they were to be employed in digging the Presi dent's house or the War Office from under ground, regular meals, but some appetite for their existence. it would not only give them an appetite for their ernment to perform some works of great utility. At this moment it is contemplated by the GovWe have already decided that if these men shall be raised, and the public service does not require them to be employed, the President shall not have the power of disbanding them; but before the bill must elapse; and if there be no war, our large can be carried into operation, a considerable time Peace Establishment will be entirely out of employ, except that they may shoulder their muskets on the south side of some range of buildings. these men, would not only be useful in forward- "Resolved, That the President of the United States EMPLOYMENT OF THE ARMY. Mr. RANDOLPH rose, and said, that having been engaged in raising a large military force, he, for one, if the United States were to incur this ex- will not disgrace itself by permitting this resoluMr. WRIGHT.-Mr. Speaker, I hope this House pense, was disposed to give them employment, not tion to lie on the table. It proposes to convert the probably, though, the identical employment of Army of the United States into a body of laborwhich the House had heard so much. It was the ers on the canals and public roads, and their offiboast of the Roman legion and its commanders, cers into overseers of the roads and canals. It that the Roman soldiery was as well versed in the goes directly to convert the proceedings of this use of the pickaxe and the spade as the sword; House, on the bill to raise 25,000 men, into a farce, and so essential was it deemed by that wise and and to present to the nation, (whose spirit is now military people that the soldiery should not only alive to avenge the wrongs we have too long susbe able to perform their military duty, but be use- tained.) a very different object to which that army ful as laborers, that their military levies were al- may be applied than that for which it was intendways made from the country, from men engaged ed. Sir, the President, who is the Commanderin the employment of husbandry, in preference to in-Chief of the Army, whose duties as such are the dissolute and profligate loungers of the town. confined to military objects, will thereby be conHe, for one, had been, for a long time, surprised, verted into a supervisor general of roads and cathat the Government should be paying immense nals. It is not in the contemplation of the Consums in all parts of the United States for labor, stitution, that the President, as Commander-inwhilst the soldiery, which annually drew millions Chief of the Army, should have such labor imfrom our Treasury, are kept in a state of perfect posed on him. You might, with equal propriety, idleness, leading to depravity and dissoluteness of impose on him the supervising and assisting the manners. He believed that regular and whole- tillage of the cotton plantations by the Army. Sir, some labor would not only have a good effect in the President would not be bound by such a law. preserving the health of our soldiers, but it would | The Army, sir, may be correctly engaged on for A |