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to injure than to insult. The right which we exercise of searching their merchant ships would give little offence, were it exercised courteously; the manner of performing it might take away the invidiousness of the act; but unhappily, on our part, there was too often an aggravating insolence displayed, which exasperated not merely those to whom it was offerred, but all to whom they repeated their grievances in America; and they, on the other hand, repeatedly roused the indignation of the most forbearing officers, by the impudence with which they produced legal certificates + of citizenship for men, who were recognized by their former commanders, or convicted by their shibboleths beyond all subterfuge.

But the Americans were not contented with receiving fugitives; they invited men to desert. It was proposed in one of their newspapers, to offer bounties to all who would make their escape from "that little hell, called a British man of war, and seek, in the land of liberty, that asylum which was offered by a free and benevolent people. By such means, it was added, the spirit of emancipation will be encouraged; the tidings will fly like lightning, from ship to ship, and our foe will be deprived of the means of annoyance." And the

incendiary introduced this proposal, by saying, "in this day's paper, the patriot will read with pleasure, that the spirit of desertion from the British fleet prevails to a degree which threatens their service with destruction." Things could not remain long in this state. Some of our seamen entered on board the American frigate, the Chesapeak, and were paraded with flags and music about the streets of New York, as if in defiance of their officers. The fact of their having entered on board this frigate being notorious, Admiral Berkeley, who commanded on the station, demanded them, and the Americans refused to deliver them up. The Chesapeak put to sea, and an English frigate was sent after her. The men were again demanded, and refused;` upon which the English captain fired into her, made her strike her flag, and took out the deserters by force.

On a former occasion, when the Leander, in firing at some vessels to make them bring to, had accidentally killed an American, the indignation of the people was unbounded: every artifice was employed by the French party to keep it at its height; a public funeral was made for the unfortunate man, a verdict of wilful murder brought in against the captain of the Leander, and orders is

by France. Thus then, with the sin gle exception of Sweden, was the whole continent of Europe closed against British goods, and our whole import trade from America sudden ly suspended.

A circular letter, addressed by the minister of the interior to the chamber of commerce, was annexed in the Moniteur, (the official journal of the French government) to the last Milan decree; and there, amidst much angry declamation against England, the effect which our orders in council must produce in France was confessed. One might have imagined, said M. Cretet, that every obstruction and restraint which clogged the course of commerce, on the continent, had been exhausted; but this new mode of oppression-these last acts of the British government, are the last stage of the oppression of the commerce of the world. We must not shut our eyes to the consequences importation and exportation, already so much restricted, will soon be much more so: every thing connected with maritime commerce, every thing that depends upon it, will now be liable to more difficulties, and more uncertainty. The consolations which were held out, were a hope that many neutrals would elude the English cruisers; and the plunder which their privateers would obtain, by attacking every ship that, in French language, renounced the independence of its national flag, by navigating under a British licence. French commerce, it was said, will not devote itself uselessly to that sort of warfare which never lets courage, dexterity, and decision go unrewarded. Substitutes also were to be sought for those articles of which France would now, in a great measure, be deprived. Cotton, it was said, would come from the Levant;

and, at a more distant period, that what they produced themselves (for it had been, not unsuccessfully, attempted to cultivate it,) would assist in supporting their manufactures; but, mean time, it would be necessary to have recourse, as far as possi. ble, to hemp and flax; and it was desirable that the French people should circumscribe their consumption within the products of homegrown materials, and restrain the unhappy effects of habits and taste contracted for manufactures, that would render them dependent upon foreign commerce. Materials for dying would become scarce; colours, therefore, which had no other advantage, than their apparent greater beauty, would be dispensed with. Sugar and coffee could not be procured in quantities adequate to the demand for them; but these were objects of secondary utility, the great mass of the people would not suffer by the privation; and habits of indulgence, too widely extended, would be counteracted and restrained by the rise in the price.--M. Cretet concluded, by saying, that "the commerce of Europe would soon, beyond a doubt, be rescued from oppression. The interest of nations, the honour of sovereigns, the magnanimous resolutions of the most powerful of the allies of France; the power and the will of the hero who rules over us; the justice of a cause to which heaven will grant its protection; every motive concurs to decide the contest, nor can its issue remain uncertain."

The power and the will of Buonaparte had, indeed, occasioned this state of things; his will might have terminated it, but his power could not; and whether the people of France, and of the conquered and allied countries, believed in M. Cretet's predic tions of a speedy termination or not,

they had no alternative, being compelled to suffer and be silent. In England, the immediate inconvenience which was felt occasioned a partial cry for peace, begun by some of those manufacturers whose trade was at a stand, and supported by others, whose views were less selfish, though not more enlightened. Among these were a considerable part of those persons, who term themselves the religious public; pious and conscientious men, but inconsistent; for, while they admit that the principle of war must be allowed in just cases, they, at all times, and in all cases, cry out against the practice, setting their compassionate feelings in array against the manlier virtues. A superstition concerning Buonaparte mingled itself with this womanish sensibility; they who had not lost sight of his enormities, doubted whether he were the Beast + or Antichrist; others, whom he had in some degree conciliated, by his various aggressions upon the papal power, forgave him all his crimes, because the whore of Babylon happened to be among those whom he had plundered; they rather imagined him to be the man upon the white horse; in this, however, they were all agreed, that Providence had appointed him for some great purpose, and it was an easy conclusion for those whose weak heads and warm imaginations looked no farther, that it must be unavailing, if not impious, to oppose him. This was a pitiable delusion; but more extraordinary was the weakness of those who, having originally been the friends of France, when they

imagined that the cause of liberty was implicated in her success, looked with complacency now upon the progress which oppression was making in the world, because France was the oppressor! They had turned their faces toward the east in the morning to worship the rising sun, and now that it was evening, they were looking eastward still, obstinately affirming, that still the sun was there. Meetings were convoked by the manufacturers to petition for peace, because their trade was injured by the war; and this selfish purpose was disinterestedly assisted by the admirers of Buonaparte, and the apocalypsepoliticians. The good sense of the people frustrated these attempts; few petitions could be carried, and those only in places where a number of workmen had been thrown out of employ. The members of opposition themselves, though ready to concede more than was consistent with the honour or safety of the country, discouraged this mode of proceeding, which so obviously seconded the views of the enemy.

The most conspicuous advocate for peace at this inauspicious season was Mr Roscoe, a man not to be mentioned without respect, even when his errors are noticed. He endeavoured to shew, that we had no reasonable grounds for being at war, and that ministers were insincere in professing themselves ready to make peace upon fair terms, because fair terms were always to be had. But as forthe ground of the war, it was plainly stated by Mr Addington, when he said, "we are at war because we

cannot be at peace." This was the general feeling of the people of England, and it was this deep and wellfounded conviction which occasioned that acclamation of joy at Lloyd's, when the commencement of hostilities was made known. That peace was desirable no man doubted, if any thing more than the name of peace could be obtained; but the experiment was tried for eighteen months, and, during the whole of that armed truce, the enemy was steadily pursuing his plans of usurpation upon the continent; collecting, by means of his commercial commissioners, information how best to attempt the invasion of these islands, and preparing a navy which would enable him to effect it. Unquestionably it was his sincere desire to make just such a peace with us again; and we might well believe him when he said so. "We want to be at peace," is the language of his officers, who have been taken prisoners: 66 we want peace for six years; that will be time enough for us to build a navy which shall outnumber yours, and to train up sailors for it, and then we will come over and conquer you." This language has been held, and it is too sensible to leave any doubt of its sin

cerity upon a mind not closed against all argument. With all the coast of Europe at his command, it is in Buonaparte's power to build ships, outnumbering ours, in the proportion of ten to one, or twenty to one, if they were thought needful. He may build them at any time, but it is only in peace that he can man them; and it is for this object, and this only, that he is desirous of peace.* Peace would give him the power of invading us; and is there any man foolish enough, or hardy enough, to affirm, that he wants the will to do it?

It was thus that those persons argued who differed in opinion from Mr Roscoe, and they were the great majority of the people of England. In fact, his whole reasonings resolved themselves into this proposition, that the personal character of Buonaparte had nothing to do with the propriety of making peace with him, for that the government of France, like other governments, would observe treaties just so long as they were convenient to its interests, and no longer. But France had no other rule of government than the will and pleasure of its lord and master; every thing, therefore, depends upon his personal character; and that character, even

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