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of the Continent against our irreconcileable enemy, and of having upon every point of attack considerable means, in order to profit by any of the fortunate circumstances which may present themselves, to carry the war into the heart of England, Ireland, and the Indics, may render the levy of the conscription of 1809 necessary. The party which rules at London has proclaimed the principle of eternal war; and the expedition to Copenhagen has revealed its criminal intentions. Though the indignation of all Europe has been excited against England-though at no period has France had such numerous armies-it is not sufficient: it is necessary that English influence should be attacked every where where it exists, till the moment in which the sight of so many dangers shall induce England to drive from her councils the oligarchs who direct them, and to confide the administration to wise men, capable of conciliating the love and interest of their country with the love and interest of the human race. A vulgar policy would have made your majesty disarm, but such a policy would be a scourge to France, and render imperfect the great results you have prepared. Yes, sire, your majesty, far from diminishing your arms, ought to augment them, till England shall have acknowledged the independence of all powers, and restored to the seas that tranquillity which your majesty has ensured to the Continent. Undoubtedly your majesty must suffer in requiring from your people fresh sacrifices, and in imposing new obligations on them; but you ought also to yield to the cry of all the French :- "No repose till the sea be free, and a just peace shall have re-established France in

the most just, the most useful, and the most necessary of her rights." No. 37.-Just Memorial which the Representatives of the Royal House of Spain, Donna Carlota Juaquina de Bourbon, Princess of Portugal and Brazil, and Don Pedro Carlos de Bourbon y Braganza, Infant of Spain, address to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal, that he may deign to attend to, protect, and preserve the sacred rights which their August House has to the Throne of Spain and the Indies; which Throne the Emperor of the French, by means of an abdication or renunciation, executed under the most atrocious and detestable violence, has recently torn from the hands of the King, Don Carlos IV., and their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Asturias, and the Infants, Don Carlos and Don Antonio.

"The melancholy accounts received from Spain, respecting the occupation of the capital and principal posts by the French, the declared enemies of the Crown of Por

tugal, and not less hostile in their conduct to that of Spain, deeply afflict us; inasmuch as we, at this moment, foresee the slavery of the faithful and generous Spanish nation, and the consequent ruin of the Throne of our ancestors.

"The irregular conduct of the Emperor of the French, and the unjust proceedings of his generals and other ministers, long since afforded us abundant motives to manifest

those just feelings of resentment, which, at the time, we thought proper to stifle in silence; considering that the aid of our voice was not necessary to display the reason and justice of our cause, outraged by

the despotism of an absolute and arbitrary power; but now that we are apprised of the perfidy with which, under the pretext of a friendly conference, the King, the head of our house, and the branches of our family in Spain, were persuaded to trust their persons in the hands of him who menaced their rights, ours, and those of all the subjects of the King of Spain-a perfidy by which they were forced to sign formal acts of abdication and renunciation, and individually carried out of the kingdom, to be confined in places already stained with the blood of other branches of our Royal Family-filled with horror at such proceedings, we think it our duty to implore the assistance of your Royal Highness, as our immediate natural Guardian and Protector; intreating your assistance against the propagation of this system of usurpation, which swallows up all the States of Europe, one after another; and soliciting your Royal Highness's interposition in favour of our House, that by your power and influence you may place us in a condition (as the nearest relatives of the King of Spain) to be able to preserve his rights, and stoutly to secure our own, by a junction of the Portuguese, Spanish, and English forces, in order to prevent the French from effecting, by means of their armies, the same acts of violence and subversion which they have committed over almost the whole extent of Europe.

"Your Royal Highness, in consideration of the state and condition in which our august Father and Uncle, with the rest of the family of our august House of Spain, cannot but approve of this our proceeding a proceeding grounded on the fundamental principles and laws of the

Spanish monarchy, from which we will never detach ourselves—a proceeding justified by the incontrovertible principles of divine and natural justice; and as such we expect that it will merit the approbation of our beloved uncle, the King of the Two Sicilies, that of his Royal Family, and that of all those personages who are chiefly interested therein. This proceeding we also consider as a measure expected by the members of our unhappy and unfortunate family, now in a state of constraint and oppression, removed from their kingdom, and, what is assuredly the most painful, torn from the bosom of their tenderly beloved subjects, the faithful, constant, and generous Spaniards.

"Such is the view of things which our dearly-beloved cousins and uncle, the Prince of Asturias and the Infants Don Carlos and Don Antonio, wished to convey to us, when, after describing the entrance of the French troops, and their superiority of numbers, they thus proceed:

In this state of things, their Royal Highnesses, reflecting on the situa tion in which they stand, and also the delicate circumstances wherein Spain is placed, considering that, in a crisis of such difficulty, any attempt on the part of the Spanish people to retrieve their rights would be pregnant rather with ruin than advantage, and could have no other result than that of producing torrents of bloodshed, and occasioning the certain loss of at least a great part of their provinces, and the whole of their transmarine colonies.'

"This style of expression appears to offer evident proofs, first, of the violence exercised towards the Princes, to make them write, but without permitting them to write all that they

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might wish, in order to manifest their real sentiments; secondly, that, perhaps, if Spain were not so circumstanced and occupied by a hostile army, they themselves would not think it useless in the inhabitants to make an attempt to recover their rights; thirdly, that if the transma rine colonies were reduced to a similar situation, they would be completely lost. And in these expressions we discover a tacit, but very obvious insinuation, addressed by them to us, and their most faithful countrymen still in a state of freedom, that we should all of us, with one consent, contribute to the defence and preservation of their rights.

"We are, therefore, firmly persuaded that this opinion will meet with the concurrence of our uncles in Sicily, and also that of all the other Members of our Royal Family, and all our fellow-countrymen who are free, and at a distance from such insults and oppressions.

"Rome, the depositary of our holy religion, is once more insulted, and in subjection to this arbitrary Power, the common disturber of Europe. In vain does his Holiness protest against the exile of the Most Eminent the Cardinals; in vain does he enjoin them not to stir until they are compelled by violence. He has no recourse but to complaints and lamentations, as we perceive from his note, signed by the most eminent the Cardinal Doria, which says, that such proceedings are manifestly directed to the subversion and destruction of the power of the church.'

"We are happy in being on this side of the Atlantic, inasmuch as we are neither subjected, nor in a condition of being subjected; if, banishing from us all party-spirit, we cultivate that perfect union and alliance

which, in proportion as they identify our feelings, will also consolidate our resources, which are sufficient for the formation of a respectable force, fully adequate of itself to resist and repel any invasion, and to secure our interests, our liberty, and our lives, against the ambition of France.

"We cannot for an instant entertain a doubt of the loyalty and affection which, at all times, the inhabitants of the Americas have manifested towards our august house, and most particularly towards our dearlybeloved father, for whom they have so recently sacrificed their lives and properties, and given the highest proofs of their loyalty.

"Under this impression, and convinced that the misfortunes of our family will afflict their hearts with grief, which have ever taken an interest in the preservation of our rights, we trust, that, by means of the influence and assistance of your Royal Highness, a perfect alliance may be effected with the American subjects of the King of Spain, by which we shall easily be enabled to secure ourselves from the attacks of the enemy; while, by a measure so just and salutary, we shall also destroy the seeds of those family quarrels which incessantly arise between the subjects of the two kingdoms, and which always produce consequences to be lamented.

"With a view to the realization. of our just and salutary intentions, we are desirous of having a secure opportunity to communicate them to the governors, tribunals, and other personages, being the lawful deposi taries of the authority of our king and master, which we in no respect wish to alter or abridge, but, on the contrary, are anxious to preserve and defend it, against the power of

the French. For this purpose, we trust that your Royal Highness will interest yourself with the admiral of our great and powerful Ally, the King of Great Britain, that he may dispose of his force so, that, without impairing the defence of your Royal Highness on the coast of the Brazils, it may also contribute to that of the coasts of the River Plate, and the other dominions of Spanish America, and that it may in no respect be prejudicial to the navigation and commerce which the inhabitants of those dominions carry on with this and the other ports of this principality. This protection, we have no doubt, will be immediately afforded to us by the generosity and noble character of the King of Great Britain and his powerful nation.

"We conclude with entreating that your Royal Highness may be pleased to place at our disposal all the necessary means for communicating our intention to the governors, civil and ecclesiastical authorities, in whom resides, in full vigour and force, the authority of our august King and Master, and to whose loyalty are consigned the rights of our royal House; which we are anxious to preserve inviolable, during the continuance of the misfortunes with which French ambition has oppressed our Royal Family of Spain.

"Palace of Rio Janeiro, Aug. 19,

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justice, in thinking me disposed to sustain your rights, and those of such Spaniards as are faithful to their crown and country. In the manifesto which I published on my arrival on this Continent, in which I might have expressed my just resentment for the conduct of the Spanish government, in allowing a passage to the French troops, and joining with them in the invasion of Portugal, I forebore doing so, and was rather solicitous to do justice to those sentiments of regret which all faithful Spaniards must have necessarily felt, on seeing themselves compelled to execute a measure so contrary to the interests of their Princes and their own safety.

"I entertained the greater confidence that the time would arrive when we should be able to unite as allies, for the purpose of mutual defence against such enormous and multiplied aggressions.

"I concur with your Royal Highnesses, that the time has now arri ved for entering into such an union, in order to act against the common enemy; and I trust, that, in concert with my allies, among whom is to be reckoned Sicily, which must necessarily consider itself as such, we shall be able to oppose a barrier to the progress of the conquests which France may attempt to obtain over us. least, I will, for my part, do every thing in my power to effect this salutary combination and alliance, which your Royal Highnesses have just proposed to me; and I am anxious that the Americans, satisfied that we are agreed as to the urgent necessity of protecting them, should unite their

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means with our forces, in order to give full and entire effect to the wishes by which I am actuated, of securing to them that peace and

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prosperity of which they are susceptible from their local situation. "Given at our Royal Palace, in the River Janeiro, under our Royal Seal, August 19, 1808. "PRINCE."

No. 38.-Suspension d'Armes arretée entre Monsieur le Chevalier Arthur Wellesley, Lieutenant-General, et Chevalier de l'Ordre du Bain, d'une part, et Monsieur le General de Division Kellermann, Grand Officier de la Legion d'Honneur, Commandeur de l'Ordre de la Couronne de Fer, Grand Croix de l'Ordre du Lion de Bavière, de l'autre part; tous deux chargés de pouvoirs des Generaux respectifs des Armées Françaises et Anglaises.

Au Quartier General de l'Armée Anglaise, le 22d Aout, 1808. Art. I. Il y aura à date de ce jour une suspension d'armes entre les armées de sa majesté Britannique, et de sa majesté imperiale et royale Napoleon I. à l'effet de traiter d'une convention pour l'evacuation du Portugal par l'armée Française.

Art. II. Les generaux en chef des deux d'armées, et monsieur le commandant en chef de la flotte Britannique, à l'entrée du Tage, prendront jour pour se reunir dans tel point de la cote qu'ils jugeront convenable pour traiter et conclure la dite convention.

Art. III. La rivière de Sizandre formera la ligne de démarcation établie entres les deux armées; Torres Vedras ne sera occupé ni par l'une

ni par

l'autre.

Art. IV. Monsieur le general en chef de l'armée Anglaise s'obligera à comprendre les Portugais armées dans cette suspension d'armes, et

pour eux la ligne de démarcation sera établie de Leira à Thomar.

Art. V. Il est convenu provisiorement que l'armée Française ne pourra dans aucun cas etre consideré comme prisonniers de guerre, que tous les individus qui la composent armes et bagages, leurs proprietés seront transportés en France avec particuliers quelconques, dont il ne pourra leur etre rien distrait.

tugais, soit d'une nation alliée à la Art. VI. Tout particulier,soit PorFrance, soit Français, ne pourra etre sera protégé, ses proprietés respecrecherché pur sa conduite politique; tées, et il aura la liberté de se reti avec se qu'il lui appartient. rer du Portugal dans un terme fixé

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Art. VII. La neutralité du port de Lisbonne sera reconnue pour flotte Russe, c'est à dire, que lorsque l'armée ou la flotte Anglaise seront en possession de la ville et du port; la dite flotte Russe, ne pourra etre ni inquietée pendant son sejour, ni arretée quand elle voudra sortir, ni poursuivie lorsqu'elle sera sortie, qu'apres les delais fixés par les lois maritimes.

Art. VIII. Tout l'artillerie du calibre Français, ainsi que les chevaux de la cavalerie, seront transportés en France.

Art. IX. Cette suspension d'armes ne pourra etre rompue qu'on ne se soit prevenu quarante huit heures d'avance.

Fait et arreté les generaux designés c'y dessus, au jour et an c'y dessus.

(Signée)

ARTHUR Wellesley.
KELLERMANN,

Le general de division. Article additionel.-Les garrisons des places occupées par l'armée

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