Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB
[blocks in formation]

of riflemen, one battalion of cavalry, one regiment of infantry, and the increasing the number of men in each company now in service to the number of one hundred and twenty.]

Mr. NELSON moved that the further consideration be postponed till the 1st March.

Mr. CHANDLER wished the gentleman to alter his motion so as to let it lie on the table.

Mr. NELSON. I cannot consent, for this reason: I expect to be absent for some time, and whenever the bill is called up, I wish to make some few observations upon it.

H. or R.

into view the city of New Orleans; threatened without, and we know it is said to be disaffected within, it is an object of the greatest consequence to the United States to retain it in safety; and there ought to be troops in its neighborhood, whether in peace or war. I am opposed to postponement, though I should have no objection to its lying on the table.

Mr. NELSON.-I should be very sorry if it be indeed necessary to keep a standing army to take care of New Orleans. If the citizens of that city are so depraved as not to be kept in order without a military force among them, I wish I had never heard of them.

Mr. CHANDLER.-I am opposed to taking up the bill at this time, because it will depend upon circumstances whether we ought to act upon it or Mr. DESHA. The gentleman has misunderstood not. If we have peace with the Powers possess me. I mean that they are so divided that they ing territory adjoining to us, it is unnecessary to may not be united to defend the place sufficiently add to our Peace Establishment, it being a sub- against a foreign enemy, and advantage will be ject on which we should be extremely cautious. taken of this circumstance. New Orleans is a Circumstances might arise which would render very vulnerable point, and of as much conseit necessary to add to our Peace Establishment be-quence, perhaps, as any port in the United States, fore the 1st of March. and I believe it is necessary that there should be Mr. W. ALSTON.-The views of both gentle-a strong garrison kept there at all times. men would be answered by the bill's being referred to a select committee to examine into the propriety of passing it, which would be precluded by a postponement or by its lying on the table.

The SPEAKER.-The bill has been already referred to a Committee of the Whole House, and, therefore, cannot at present be referred to any other committee.

Mr. NELSON.-This bill, sent down from the Senate, contemplates adding a very small number of men to the Peace Establishment of the United States. It is a little trifling bill which does not deserve countenance. On this great continent, where there are now so few troops, it is contemplated to make to them an addition of two battalions, and increase the number of men in each company to one hundred and twenty. Such an addition will be but a drop of water in the ocean; the country will not feel the effects of it; it will be doing nothing. It is doing business by halves a petty, miserable measure, of which the United States will never feel the benefit. I have another objection. The committee to whom was referred the other day a resolution for increasing our War Establishment, are prepared to report a bill to the House for that purpose. If the bill so to be reported shall pass, it will be unnecessary to pass this bill; because we shall be in war, and have no occasion for a Peace Establishment. It will be better to let this miserable thing lie on the table, or postpone it till we see whether or not we shall pass the war bill. If that does not pass, little as this thing is, and much as I despise the principle of it, gentlemen may take their own way with it; but if the war bill does pass, certainly this should not.

Mr. DESHA. The gentleman is mistaken as to the contents of the bill, for there are two regiments instead of two battalions. Although I am opposed to anything that looks like a standing army, some troops are necessary to be kept up; but to what extent I am not prepared to say; at least the battalion of cavalry is unnecessary. Take

Mr. DAWSON.-A few days ago the House unanimously passed a resolution for increasing the Military Establishment of the United States, having reference, as I had supposed, to a War Establishment; in pursuance of which I am now prepared to report a bill, which, if passed, will render unnecessary the bill for an increase of the Peace Establishment. I therefore wish this business to lie on the table.

Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL.-I believe that we can act upon this subject as well at this time as at any other. The arguments of the gentleman from Maryland prove, if anything, that this bill may be immediately decided. He tells us, if we have war, this is nothing; if we have no war, it is not necessary to increase the Peace Establishment, and, therefore, we can decide upon it now. I am not prepared to say that this addition ought to be made, but do not know why gentlemen should call this so little a thing. From the general features of the bill, it is evidently intended to produce an addition to our Peace Establishment. My idea of it is, that it is intended to provide, as well against the hostility of the Indians on our frontier as against the marauding parties of any foreign Power. I think it a questionable point whether our extended frontier does not require an additional force. You have been frequently told in the House that the Indians have of late threatened much; that the population of the territory of the United States in their vicinity is small and much scattered. This subject should be brought before the House, when also I should wish to hear what information gentlemen may offer on the subject.

Mr. MACON.-I do not believe it necessary to make so large an addition to our present Peace Establishment, and am unwilling to postpone the bill. The gentleman from Kentucky has told us of the divisions in Orleans, and that it is necessary for that reason to keep troops there. The transfer of Louisiana was made without the assistance of arms. The difference of opinion there is the

[blocks in formation]

same as every where else exists between Federalists and Republicans; and his observation would apply fully as well to any other place as to New Orleans. For what are these regiments contemplated to be raised? Not for war, but in addition to our Peace Establishment. There is no necessity for increasing it. I fear that gentlemen, from the very best of motives, will go on to increase our Peace Establishment, till we have as large a standing army as any other nation. Great objects often arise from small beginnings. If we raise troops, let it be for war; let the Peace Establishment rest as it is. I shall vote for the motion under consideration, but had rather vote for an indefinite postponement.

JANUARY, 1808.

parts of the United States between Federalists and Republicans. I fancy the gentleman must take these terms in a sense very different from that which is derived from a most authentic source; for, from very high authority the nation has been told that "we are all Federalists; we are all Republicans." If we are all of one character, we are certainly not contending one against the other; the gentleman's words must therefore convey a meaning different from this highly authentic definition. Could any one imagine that if one character is here applicable to all, though possibly there may be some slight shade of difference, that there is no more difference of opinion in the territories? As respects the inhabitants of some of those terMr. DESHA. Although opposed to postpone- ritores, biassed by strong monarchical attachment, I do not know that I am entirely in favor of ments, their habits of life have rendered them the bill. The gentleman from North Carolina liable to foreign influence in a much greater dehas told us that he is opposed to increasing the gree than the people within the old United States. Establishment for the purpose of protecting New It is therefore peculiarly necessary that this part Orleans, because the people in that country are di- of the country should have the assistance of regvided only as we are, into Republicans and Fed- ular troops to repel invasion. eralists. It is said a part of the inhabitants of that Mr. WITHERELL.-This postponement of bucountry, on the contrary, are attached to monarch-siness looks too much like getting rid of it altoial government; and many of them being yet sub-gether. I think we shall not be in a better situjects of Spain, they are attached to that Government. They are monarchists, not Federalists or Republicans; and, by a very natural inference, will attach themselves to foreign governments.

Mr. GARDNER. I hope the motion for postpone ment will prevail. I am sorry that the honorable Senate should have chosen at this time to add to our Peace Establishment, after adopting a war measure by laying an embargo. If we are to have war, on which we cannot yet decide, we shall undoubtedly continue the strong measures which we have this session commenced; but until that momentous question is decided, I am clearly in favor of postponing the consideration of our Peace Establishment.

ation to decide on the necessity for adopting this bill on the first day of March than we are now. If it should lie on the table or be left within our reach, I am not afraid that we shall lay violent hands on it. We are not generally in such a hurry to get through business that we tear it to pieces in getting hold of it. As this is the first time the subject has come under notice, I am as perfectly incapable of deciding on the bill as when it first came from the Senate. I should wish it to lie on the table, or that it may be referred to a select committee.

Mr. RHEA. I am as much opposed to a standing army as any gentleman in the House; but I shall act as I think right at this time, leaving Mr. DANA. Perhaps it might be as well to re- other gentlemen to do the same. There may be fer this bill to a select committee, and therefore times at which a larger military force is necesto vote against the present motion. Although sary than others; and the present may be one of the title of the bill be, “A bill supplementary to those times. An objection` has been made to the an act, entitled 'An act fixing the Military Peace bill because the number is too small. I do not Establishment of the United States," and al-know whether I shall give my vote for raising all though the first section provides for the erection of the men proposed by the bill; but part of them some forces in addition to our present Peace Es- are necessary. An objection has been made to tablishment, I really never have imagined, when the bill because it contemplates an addition to our troops were raised for peace, that it would be con- Peace Establishment. As I consider that we are trary to law for them to fight in case of war. I now approaching to a state of war, I do not see did conceive that when on our Peace Establish- how the number proposed in addition to our prement, they could fight as well as if raised ex- sent establishment can be objected to. If this pressly for war. If, therefore, there should be dan- number be raised, or even a further additional ger on our frontier, and if it is supposed that the number, the number to be raised on a war estabregular forces there as a security against annoy-lishment would be by so many diminished. It is ance are not sufficient, and that more are neces- well known that a bill has been passed this session, sary to preserve peace, I do not see any impro-appropriating a sum of money for erecting and priety in raising an additional number; and as gentlemen from that part of the Union, possessed of better means of information than myself, seem to imagine it to be at least worthy of consideration, I am not anxious for postponing it. The honorable gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. MACON,) seems to suppose that there is not more difference of opinion there than there is in other

repairing fortifications. If erected they must be garrisoned; and although the number proposed may be considered as now too large, yet, when we advert to those places necessary to be garrisoned, they will not appear to be too many; and when we consider our extended frontier, more may be necessary, if only to guard against incursions of the Indians. I shall vote against the

[blocks in formation]

postponement of the bill, and hope it will be now considered. The committee now said to be about to report on a war establishment, may acommodate the number of men to be employed to the number of men to be raised by this bill for the peace establishment. For another reason I shall vote against postponement: I shall take into consideration everything which comes before us on the principle of national defence, and make the best of it I can; and I shall consider this measure in that light. What may be the fate of the bill for a war establishment, to be reported by the committee, I do not know; and therefore intending to vote for everything, however small, towards the great project of national defence, I shall vote against a postponement of this.

Mr. J. K. SMITH.-I am opposed to the postponement of the bill, and think it ought to be acted on immediately. We know the situation of the Western country, and very lately a rebellion has been attempted under Aaron Burr. If he had not been arrested as he was in his career, his project might certainly have led to the establishment of a separate government at New Orleans. I apprehend as much danger from Aaron Burr at this time as at any time since he first determined on the attempt. Gentlemen say, that this provision is too small; if they think so, let them enlarge it, and double it if they apprehend danger. They say also, that our present peace establishment is large enough; and that if we have not war, that it ought to be reduced. I am not of that opinion. I shall not be lulled into security; for I think that prudence dictates to us an apprehension of danger; I think we may expect it too, and that we ought to make provision for a stand at first. Even this little force would be of some service; although but one thousand five hundred, or two thousand five hundred men, they may be of service. I am desirous to give assurance to the friends of the Government at New Orleans, and in the territories adjacent, that they shall be protected, and induce them to have confidence in the General Government.

Mr. HOLLAND.-If I viewed the matter in the same light as my friends from Tennessee and New Hampshire, I would vote to take up the bill and pass it immediately. They go upon the ground that it is necessary to augment the peace establishment of the nation; but I see no reason why it should be augmented now or at any time past. The gentleman last up has talked about rebellion, and wishes a peace establishment to put down rebellion. Certainly the militia of any portion of this country are competent to put down all rebellion. The militia or any single district of any State would not want assistance to suppress any insurrection or conspiracy in the United States. Shall it be said that we must augment our military force to put down rebellion? There are very few in the United States who would rebel; none but a few harmless malcontents capable of no more harm than making a noise in newspapers. As to the conspiracy of Aaron Burr, what had been the amount of it? Was the aid of the regular force necessary to quell that? No. The militia were

H. of R.

vastly more than conpetent for that purpose. Burr is become harmless; his sting is drawn. Is it necessary to raise our peace establishment under the expectation of being beset by a foreign Power? If it is now, it always has been; we have always been liable to foreign attack. Either our present peace establishment is competent, or it is necessary immediately to go into a war establishment. With respect to the Indians, they are inoffensive; there has not been a time since the expedition against them under General Wayne, that they have not considered themselves a conquered nation, and looked up to the United States as their masters. If the Indians were considered as dangerous, nothing would be more agreeable to the militia than to go against them; it would be but too agreeable to a portion of the militia to go against them, and demolish the whole nation of Indians. So that in every point of view I consider it improper to adopt the bill, and would have voted for an indefinite postponement.

Mr. ROWAN.-The whole northern boundary of Orleans, the Indiana and Michigan Territories, and the St. Louis country, are all exposed; and although the Indians may, in the prevailing language of the day, look up to their Great Father, much alarm has been excited in that country; special missionaries have been sent to inquire into the cause of their tumultuous aggregation, and it is not now known for what purpose they are convened. While that country is in its present unsettled state, until its population is such as to repel the attacks of the Indians, it is prudent to have a small force to co-operate with the militia. It is important that there should be a force established at New Orleans for a while; it is the key to the whole Western country. Men may talk of patriotism; but it must be known, that any Power, which possesses the mouth of the Mississippi river, will possess the whole Western country. The amor patria will do very well in theory; but in practice it often yields to private interest. The people in that country are much disaffected; their habits are not American or Republican, but lead them to favor monarchical Governments. In addition to this they have various causes of discontent. It is necessary to have a military force there, not to keep the people in order, but to prevent a foreign Power from taking advantage of the dispositions of the people, and using them to its own advantage. It certainly would be a desirable object for any foreign Power to possess New Orleans. It will be known by an enemy that if they can once take footing in it, they can keep possession a sufficient length. of time to allow them to receive reinforcements before it could be wrested from them by a force. from the United States. It would be well that the people should be assured that the country will be maintained in our possession. The time is not remote, I hope, when a chain of population will extend from the United States to New Orleans; but till that time, and more especially from the ease with which possession of the place once had can be maintained, it would be good policy to have there some regular troops, and to control

[blocks in formation]

any disposition which exists against the interests of that country and of the United States. Gentlemen ought not to be so much alarmed about raising an army. We seem unwilling to have them because they have ministered to the prostration of the liberties of the people and served as an instrument to tyrants. But such an effect is only produced by an abuse of a great good; it is necessary to maintain our Government and it may give a tyrant predominance and render him despotic. Let us take care not to abuse a thing which is useful; but not decline to use a weapon because its use may be perverted. We can disband an army when it becomes necessary. We have shown our power in this by an actual exercise of it; but, no doubt, had the same circumstances existed then that exist now, the army would not have been disbanded; we had not then this Western country, this New World, if I may so express it. I beg gentlemen to consider the projects which have been attempted to the Westward; they are worthy of the most serious attention. It has been said that the militia were competent to defeat that of Aaron Burr. I wish to God it had been the case, and that it had not been necessary to violate the Constitution to defeat that project. I would rather have maintained any given military force than sanction the violation of the Constitution and of individual right. As to savages-gentlemen who do not live in the neighborhood of savage tribes cannot conceive the feelings of those who do, and who have still fresh in their recollection the ravages and depredations committed by these savages. It is of importance to keep up such an establishment as shall give tranquillity to the feelings of the people there. The force contemplated by the bill, small as it is, may form many rallying points round which the population could collect themselves for immediate defence. At all events I think it is imprudent to postpone this bill to so late a period in the session. It may happen that in a very short time some forces may be required in the neighborhood of the Lakes, to secure them from the savage tribes. We are in their neighborhood; we have no security that their attachment to America is permanent; they are capable of being excited by any person who will take the trouble, and who has influence. I am myself opposed, in general, to a standing army. I believe the citizen militia of America are competent to the preservation of good government and quelling insurrection; but are not properly calculated or used for protection against savages or for the defence of New Orleans. This place is near the Havana, and our relations with that Government are not very stable. My object is to prevent that place from coming into the possession of an enemy; and therefore wish to keep this bill at least within the power of the House.

Mr. CHANDLER.-I wish the bill could be postponed indefinitely. Though I at first objected to postponement for so long a time, the reasons urged by some gentlemen against postponement have convinced me that it ought to be postponed. If there be need of any more force in consequence

JANUARY, 1808.

of the disposition of the Indian tribes, I shall be as willing to raise them as any other man; but I wish the war establishment to be kept distinct and separate from our peace establishment. At Fort Adams and other places there are now bodies of men, which, in case of peace, will be sufficient for all purposes. A gentlemen from Kentucky (Mr. DESHA) has observed that it is necessary there should be a force kept at New Orleans; that they are not divided into Republicans and Federalists, but are Republicans and Monarchists. I must confess that the distinction is rather nice; if for that reason we ought to keep a force there, we ought, for seven years back, to have kept a force in every seaport town in the United States. But, thank God, the judgment of the people has rendered it unnecessary. Therefore, as in time of peace, I shall never vote for increasing our military force, so, in time of war, I shall not vote against it.

Mr. NICHOLAS.-I hope the bill will not be postponed. I am one of those who believe that the present peace establishment is not competent to its intended purpose. In saying this, I hope I shall not subject myself to the imputation of wishing to erect such a standing army as may, in any event, be used for purposes hostile to our liberties. For what purpose do we need a peace establishment? Not only to garrison fortifications, but for the protection of our ports and harbors; we must have a force of some kind to preserve our towns from insult by a single vessel. This is the reason why a peace establishment is necessasary in our seaport towns. What is the vast extent of our territory? To the Westward and to the North and South more than two thousand miles. On various parts of this frontier we keep a chain of garrisons. What is the situation of New Orleans and the country around it, lately acquired to the United States, for aught we know, against the wishes of those who inhabit it? Its situation is dangerous, and it ought to be protected, as it is extremely important to the United States-perhaps of greater importance than any point in the Union. The Representatives on this floor, from the great Western waters, are more numerous than from any Eastern State. What was lately the situation of that country, at a time when there was an expectation of an attempt to wrest it from us? The greatest regular force that could then be collectod, was four, five, or six hundred men. Shall we, for a trifle, risk the possession of that country, so essential to the safety and interests of so large a portion of the Union? I am not anxious to act on this bill, but, before we depart hence, I hope that something will be done. If we erect a war establishment, this will not be necessary; but, if we do not, this bill or something similar will be absolutely necessary.

Mr. TROUP.-No gentleman in the House feels more anxiety on this subject than myself, or is more sincerely desirous of an increase of our military establishment, because no State in the Union is more exposed than the State of Georgia. On the Western frontier, she has to defend herself against a tribe of savages more numerous

[blocks in formation]

than any other; on the Southern she is open and exposed to the invasion of a foreign Power; on the sea she has to defend a coast of a hundred and sixty miles, lined with a chain of islands and filled with a negro population, liable to become a point of resort and attack to privateers and freebooters, besides many other exposed points. But, until the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States is acquitted of the charge against him and restored to the confidence of the people, I will not give my assent to any increase of our military establishment.

H. OF R.

quate force for the purpose before their bill passes into a law. This is a proof that that State is alarmed. The northwest counties of that State, on account of the great amount of military and company land unsettled. is thinly settled, and those settlements at a distance from each other; consequently their militia are not sufficient for their defence. The Indians west of the Lakes have, in the former Indian wars, usually crossed Lake Erie in their canoes, and spread a hasty destruction; and, before the alarm was spread, retreated to their canoes, and escaped from pursuit. The settlements are now much more extensively exposed.

The State of Pennsylvania is not the only one so exposed, part of the adjoining States are in the same situation. When once the Indians make a successful stroke, they triumph in their success, and the neighboring tribes catch the flame and join in the destructive depredations. It would be much cheaper to prevent than to repel such outrages. If the States and Territories are obliged to provide for their own defence, they will call on Congress to pay it. The Government did so in the late Indian war; Congress appropriated a gross sum, out of which the President paid the militia, called out by the county lieutenants and the rangers ordered by the State, the same pay as to the regular troops. The State, however, in order to obtain good men, gave additional pay. It is for the House to consider, if the protection would not be more cheap and effectual by an increase of the permanent establishment, than for each State and Territory providing for their own protection, in their own way, without concert. A compara tive small force and expense will prevent the Indians from going to war, and inspire the settlers with confidence, to what it would require to carry on an Indian war, and restore lost confidence. Certainly the present movements and excitements among the numerous Northwestern tribes give just cause of apprehension, and call on us to be prepared without delay. Therefore, I shall vote against the postponement of the bill and every other unnecessary delay.

Mr. CLARK.-Much has been said to-day on the subject of the disposition of the people of the Territory of Orleans to the United States. I should hope that the gentlemen from Kentucky and Virginia have spoken more from report than from their own knowledge, and that they hold a better opinion of the disposition of the inhabitants of the Territory. I should have wished to hear those gentlemen state in what instance the people of that Territory have shown a disposition unfavorable to the United States. When the possession of the Territory was transferred to the United States, the people knew and prized the benefits which they would enjoy by an exchange. Since that time, what evidence have you of their objection to it? Did not the militia of that Territory volunteer their services against the Spanish forces some time ago in motion near them? Then, why are they accused of disaffection? It is much better to hope than fear, and certainly not correct to reason from those fears. Although I am of opinion that no district in the Union is more attached than that to the general interests of the country, still I am of opinion, considering the peculiar situation of that country, exposed on all sides, that an additional force is necessary there. In 1806, a force of two thousand men was brought to our very doors, before we knew it was on the way, or even of its being in existence. On the other side of us, in the Province of West Florida, where there are about one thousand eight hundred men. When the troops moved from Orleans to repel expected invasion to the Westward, we were left, as well as I recollect, with but a single company. I wish the country to be so protected as to guard as well against the incursions of Indians as against any other hostile attempt; at the same time, I will boldly state, that no part of the Union is more attached to the General Government, and that nothing to the contrary can be alleged against them. Mr. FINDLEY.-If gentlemen will turn their attention seriously to the situation of our very exposed frontier, and consider how thinly settled it Blount, Robert Brown, William Butler, John Chandis, not only in the new States and Territories, but, Francis Gardner, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodler, Matthew Clay, John Dawson, John W. Eppes, to a great extent, in some of the old States, they will probably think with me, that an increase of wyn, Edwin Gray, John Harris, John Heister, James Holland, David Holmes, Joseph Lewis, jr., Edward the peace establishment is necessary, both to give Lloyd, Nathaniel Macon, Robert Marion, Daniel Montsecurity and confidence, especially in this time of gomery, jr., Thomas Moore, John Morrow, Roger Nelalarm. That the alarm is considerable, and dan- son, Thomas Newbold, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Ranger apparent, I am confident. I last night receiv- dolph, John Rea of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards, ed information that the Assembly of Pennsylvania, Matthias Richards, Ebenezer Seaver, Richard Stanford, now sitting, have a bill before them for raising a William Stedman, Abram Trigg, George M. Troup, force for the defence of their frontier, and wish Archibald Van Horne, De:iel C. Verplanck, Robert to be informed if Congress would propose an ade-Whitehill, Isaac Wilbour, and Alexander Wilson.

After some further debate, in which Messrs. LYON, HOLLAND, and NELSON took part, (and in which Mr. LYON stated his belief that our situation is perilous, and that he should vote for everything that looked like defence,) the question on postponement was decided in the negative—yeas 41, nays 78, as follows:

YEAS-Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, Thomas

« ZurückWeiter »