FEBRUARY, 1808. Removal of the Seat of Government. H. OF R. Desha, John W. Eppes, Meshack Franklin, James M. YEAS-Lemuel J. Alston, Willis Alston, David Bard, Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Isaiah L. Green, William Joseph Barker, Burwell Bassett, William Blackledge, Helms, James Holland, David Holmes, Benjamin How-Thomas Blount, John Boyle, William A. Burwell, Wilard, Walter Jones, Thomas Kenan, Philip B. Key, William Butler, Joseph Calhoun, George W. Campbell, liam Kirkpatrick, Joseph Lewis, jr., Edward Lloyd, John Love, Matthew Lyon, Robert Marion, William McCreery, John Montgomery, Thomas Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Wilson C. Nicholas, John Rhea of Tennessee, Ebenezer Seaver, John Smith, Abram Trigg, George M. Troup, Archibald Van Horn, Daniel C. Verplanck, Jesse Wharton, Marmaduke Wil-land, David Holmes, Benjamin Howard, Daniel Ilsley, liams, Alexander Wilson, and Richard Winn. John Campbell, John Chandler, John Clopton, Howell Cobb, Richard Cutts, Samuel W. Dana, John Dawson, Josiah Deane, Joseph Desha, James Elliot, John W. Eppes, Meshack Franklin, Barent Gardenier, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, Isaiah L. Green, John Harris, William Helms, James HolWalter Jones, Thomas Kenan, Philip B. Key, WilNAYS-Evan Alexander, Lemuel J. Alston, Willis liam Kirkpatrick, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, Alston, jr., Ezekiel Bacon, William W. Bibb, John Joseph Lewis, jr., Edward Lloyd, John Love, Matthew Blake jr., Robert Brown, William Butler, Epaphroditus Lyon, Robert Marion, William McCreery, John MontChampion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, Howell gomery, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Wilson C. Cobb, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, jr., Daniel M. Nicholas, Josiah Quincy, John Rhea of Tennessee, Durell, James Elliot, William Ely, William Findley, John Rowan, John Russell, Ebenezer Seaver, Dennis James Fisk, Barent Gardenier, Francis Gardner, John Smelt, John Smith, William Stedman, John Taylor, Harris, John Heister, William Hoge, Reuben Hum- Abram Trigg, George M. Troup, Archibald Van Horn, phreys, Daniel Ilsley, Robert Jenkins, Richard M. John- | Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, Jesse son, James Kelly, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, Wharton, Marmaduke Williams, Alexander Wilson, Edward St. Loe Livermore, Nathaniel Macon, Josiah and Richard Winn. Masters, William Milnor, Daniel Montgomery, jr., Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurdon S. Mumford, Thomas Newbold, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, John Rowan, John Russell, James Sloan, Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, Jedediah K. Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, William Stedman, Clement Storer, Lewis B. Sturges, Peter Swart, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Thompson, Jabez Upham, James I. Van Allen, Nicholas Van Dyke, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Robert Whitehill, and James Witherell. Mr. LEWIS said, as the House had refused to consider this motion, he would endeavor to accommodate them by offering one more unexceptionable, as follows: Resolved, That it is inexpedient to remove the seat of Government from the City of Washington, and not warranted by public policy. Mr. BACON asked if this was in order, being to the same effect as the motion just decided? Mr. EPPES said the proposition was decidedly distinct from that just decided. In suffering the original resolution of Mr. SLOAN to lie on the table, they would be guilty of an act of flagrant injustice. The question ought, must be decided, and no longer delayed. What had been the course pursued by the gentleman who first proposed the resolution? He had acted like a mischievous boy, throwing a stone at a glass window, and then concealing himself [Order!] Some positive decision ought to be had after what had been laid on the table. The SPEAKER decided that the motion was in order. Several gentlemen rising to speak, The SPEAKER observed that on a motion to consider there could be no debate. Mr. ALEXANDER wished to move a postpone ment of the motion. The SPEAKER said the motion was not in order. The motion to consider the resolution offered by Mr. Lewis was then agreed to-yeas 69, nays 53, as follows: NAYS-Evan Alexander, Ezekiel Bacon, William W. Bibb, John Blake, jr., Robert Brown, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, John Davenport, jun., Daniel M. Durell, William Ely, William Findley, James Fisk, Francis Gardner, John Heister, William Hoge, Reuben Humphreys, Robert Jenkins, Richard M. Johnson, James Kelly, Edward St. Loe Livermore, Nathaniel Macon, Josiah Masters, William Milnor, Daniel Montgomery, jun., Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurdon S. Mumford, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, James Sloan, John Smilie, Jedediah K. Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Clement Storer, Lewis B. Sturges, Peter Swart, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Thompson, Jabez Upham, James I. Van Allen, Nicholas Van Dyke, Robert Whitehill, and James Witherell. Mr. GARDENIER said, since the House had agreed to consider the resolution, he wished to move to add to the motion, for the purpose of making it complete, a string of amendments. I never expected, said Mr. G., to be called upon to pass laws which would have no operation; but it seems we are to go on here for amusement, legislating about nothing. If the House thinks it worth while to go on in this way I have a string of amendments, which I think are equally entitled to the attention of the House with that now under consideration. I shall confine myself to the subject, and move resolutions which have no meaning, to show the perfection of American legislation, and the dignity of the American Congress. [The SPEAKER informed Mr. G. that all reflections on the body were out of order.] I shall not reflect on it; I am desirous to place it in such a situation, that none shall have it in their power to reflect on it. Though I shall not vote for the resolution which I have now the honor to offer, I propose it for consideration as a proper amendment to the resolution now under consideration: H. OF R. Removal of the Seat of Government. information tending to show whether the removal of the seat of Government from this place will produce a saving of $250,000 annually. "That it is inexpedient to give those who are favorable to a removal an opportunity to lay such documents and other information before this House as will have a tendency to convince the people of these United States that the continuing of the seat of Government at this place is injurious to the nation." Mr. EPPES inquired whether the amendment were in order, willing at the same time to allow to the gentleman from New York, who moved it, all the additional dignity he could wish from its introduction. As to the gentleman's observations also, about the nothingness of the present subject, he would give the gentleman all the credit he could derive from calling that nothing which involved the ruin of thousands. The SPEAKER said the motion for amendment was in order. FEBRUARY, 1808. Gardenier, Francis Gardner, John Harris, John Heister, William Hoge, Reuben Humphreys, Robert Jenkins, Thomas Kelly, Edward St. Loe Livermore, Matthew Lyon, Nathaniel Macon, Josiah Masters, William Milnor, Daniel Montgomery, jun., Gurdon S. Mumford, Timothy Pitkin, jun., John Porter, John Rhea of Pensylvania, Jacob Richards, Matthias Richards, James Sloan, Samuel Smith, Clement Storer, Lewis B. Sturges, and Jabez Upham. NAYS-Evan Alexander, Lemuel J. Alston, Willis Alston, jun., David Bard, Joseph Barker, Burwell BasRobert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, sett, William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, John Boyle, Joseph Calhoun, George W. Campbell, John Campbell, Epaphroditus Champion, John Chandler, John Clopton, Howell Cobb, Richard Cutts, Samuel W. Dana, John Dawson, Josiah Deane, Joseph Desha, Daniel M. Durell, James Elliot, John W. Eppes, William Findley, Meshack Franklin, James M. Garnett, Charles Goldsborough, Peterson Goodwyn, Isaiah L. Green, William Helms, James Holland, David Holmes, Mr. SMILIE would just observe, that whatever Benjamin Howard, Daniel Ilsley, Richard M. Johnson, his opinion on this subject might be, he wished at Walter Jones, Thomas Kenan, Philip B. Key, Wilall times to see the House act in such a way as liam Kirkpatrick, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, would do credit to themselves. This was cer- Joseph Lewis, jun., Edward Lloyd, John Love, Robert tainly a game that would never prosper; the Marion, William McCreery, John Montgomery, Nichooriginal resolution for a removal of the seat of las R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, JonaGovernment was certainly an ill judged thing, than O. Mosely, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, and left the subject in the same situation as be- Wilson C. Nicholas, John Rhea of Tennessee, Samuel fore. He thought it best at all times, when it Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, Jedediah K. Smith, John Riker, John Rowan, John Russell, Ebenezer Seaver, was evident that the sense of the House was in Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, William favor of getting rid of a subject, to do it in the Stedman, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Taylor, John shortest way possible. It was now evident that Thompson, Abram Trigg, George M. Troup, James I. it was not the disposition of the House to remove Van Allen, Nicholas Van Dyke, Archibald Van Horn, from this place; every gentleman must be satis-Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, Jesse fied of it. For his part, whenever the sense of the Wharton, Isaac Wilbour, Mamaduke Williams, AlexHouse had been expressed, he should never wish ander Wilson, Richard Winn and James Witherell. to embarrass their proceedings. He wished the Mr. MACON said, when he had before spoken on gentleman from New York would withdraw his this subject, he had stated his opinion that a reamendment. The main resolution under consider-moval from this place would be a violation of the ation was an useless thing. Constitution and a breach of the public faith; he had since heard nothing to convince him that this was not the case. He thought the faith of the Government was as strongly pledged for its continuance here as it could be for anything. He then moved to strike out the whole of the resolution after the word "Resolved," and insert "that, to remove the seat of Government from the City of Washington, in the District of Columbia, is a breach of public faith, and contrary to the Con Mr. MILNOR moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject till the first of March. Mr. DAWSON called for a division of the question, taking it first on postponing the amendment. After some observations from Mr. W. ALSTON, on the point whether the amendment were in order, and from Mr. LYON, in favor of inquiring into the subject at the proper departments, by which he believed the verbal statements made in the House of the comparative expenses of Gov-'stitution of the United States." ernment at Philadelphia would be fully contradicted, Mr. GARDENIER withdrew his motion; when Messrs. G. W. CAMPBELL and KEY supported the resolution, and opposed the postponement at considerable length. A motion to adjourn was then made, and negatived-66 to 43. Mr. DANA opposed and Mr. GARDENIER supported the motion for postponement; when the question on postponement of Mr. LEWIS's motion till the 1st of March, was negatived by yeas and nays-yeas 33, nays 86, as follows: YEAS-Ezekiel Bacon, William W. Bibb, John Blake, jun., Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, George Clinton, jr., John Davenport jun., William Ely, Barent Mr. STANFORD could not believe that the motion was in order. If it were, and even if he agreed with the gentleman, his colleague, he could not vote for a resolution declaring what was or was not a breach of public faith. The SPEAKER conceived that this motion went to the same object, although embracing a wider ground than the original resolution, and was, therefore, in order. Mr. SMILIE said he had just one observation to make. If this resolution was adopted, it would be the first instance he had ever known of the Legislature undertaking to declare what was the Constitution. Mr. LIVERMORE moved to adjourn. Carried56 to 50. FEBRUARY, 1808. Removal of the Seat of Government. SATURDAY, February 6. The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act to revive and continue certain causes and proceedings in the District Court of the District of Columbia," was read the third time and passed. REMOVAL OF THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. Mr. J. MONTGOMERY moved that the unfinished business of yesterday lie on the table, to give an opportunity for the renewal of the motion originally made by Mr. SLOAN, and afterwards renewed by Mr. BLOUNT, for the removal of the seat of Government; which was agreed to-52 to 51. Mr. LEWIS then moved the consideration of the resolution renewed by Mr. BLOUNT yesterday. The House agreed to take up the consideration of the resolution by yeas and nays-yeas 56, nays 51. The main question then recurring, that the House do agree to the said resolution, in the words following, to wit: Resolved, That it is expedient, and the public good requires, that the seat of Government be removed to the city of Philadelphia, for years, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose. Mr. SLOAN began his observations with remarking that it was not customary for the stenographers to take down what was said in the latter part of a debate, but he requested them to take down what he was about to say; for he had been much abused for his conduct in relation to this subject, and he was anxious that the good people of the United States should have a proper view of his sentiments. Mr. S. said he had been cautioned to take care of himself. It had been intimated to him that his life was in danger, and that it had been declared he ought to be thrown into one of these wilderness holes. [Mr. DANA here observed that this was a very serious affair, and requested the gentleman from New Jersey to state specifically whether he had been really threatened, and in what manner.] Mr. S. proceeded. He knew not that these circumstances could be proved so as to convict any one; but his friends had informed him that it would be unsafe to expose himself. He had heard that some people of this place had said he ought to be put one side. He had been threatened in the evening by some unknown persons who assailed him. Why, asked Mr. S., is this clamor raised against me? Have I done anything contrary to the laws or Constitution of my country? Have I done anything which is not proper for any member of this House? Are any so ignorant as to suppose that threats will answer the purpose? Have I brought forward this matter of my own head, to take up the time of the House? No; I act conjunctively with many; and if the subject had been treated fairly, I should have had a majority. Was ever such a thing done before in these walls as to deny all investigation? I do not recollect any case before like this, when all inquiry was refused. Subjects discussed session after session have been indeed refused to be taken up again; but a new subject has never before H. OF R. been thus attempted to be scouted out of the House. Let this fact be noted down. Let it go out to the good people of these United States. This evil, if persisted in, will work its own cure. The seed is sown. Sooner or later the Government will be removed. The very measures now taken will have the effect to produce a removal. If the city stand on safe grounds, why fear an investigation? Deeds of darkness fear the light; but truth and justice need not fear it. A removal must, shall, and will take place. It can't be prevented. I said on a former day that there is nothing like this city in the heavens above, in the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth. This language has been reprehended by some. There are gentlemen who are greater historians than I am. Can they point out anything like it in ancient or modern times? I cannot. Is there even in Great Britain any place without the shadow of representation? It was one great complaint at the time of the Revolution that we were taxed without our consent. But here, in the heart of our Government, is a District without any representation at all. Mr. S. had always believed that this city could never grow into opulence without some modern Nebuchadnezzar, or some Czar of Russia, who had all the people at his despotic nod. Alexandria and Georgetown always have jarring interests. The law to erect a bridge over the Potomac, which will benefit some, is so much disliked by others, that they had rather you would remove the Government than build the bridge. Mr. S. thought no Congress had a right to attach permanency to the seat of Government at this place or to any other. There is no such power in the Constitution. It is unconstitutional to accept a District without the right of representation. I reject, said he, the idea of this being a federal city in particular. Every city in the United States is a federal city, and every man ought to be a federal man; that is to say, attached to the Federal Constitution, and bound to support it. We have spent much money here, and yet are not accommodated. Let the spectators in the gallery bear witness that when a member wants to hear a speaker, he must generally move from his seat to hear him. It is said this defect can be remedied. True; there is room enough in this place for a thousand splendid palaces. I have another objection, which is the navy yard. Is there on the face of the earth another navy yard 300 miles from the sea up in the woods, where it costs as much to bring the timber from the place of its growth as it is there worth? It often takes a vessel two weeks to go down the river to Hampton. The workmen must all be brought from other places. Mr. S. thought that if an inquiry were permitted, it would turn out that two hundred and fifty thousand or three hundred thousand dollars a year might be saved in the navy yard. A gentleman from Virginia (Mr. EPPES) has hinted at a concentration of the public buildings. We can, indeed, take money out of the Treasury and do it. I recollect, some sessions ago, a member from Virginia said the Capitol must be carried to the offices, or the offices brought to the Capitol. Mr. S. had heard several members say they had rather sit at Philadelphia for three dollars a day than here for six. He had also heard several clerks say they would be willing to serve in Philadelphia for $200 a year less than what they now receive. Had I leisure, had I the proper chances for information, I would carry the sum heretofore stated to be saved by a removal to double the amount. It is not a chimera of my own brain. It is the calculation of good judges that half a million may be annually saved. If I am permitted, I am ready to show the fact. We can have at Philadelphia all the necessary public accommodations for nothing. Let gentlemen calculate the difference for themselves. If we are to concentrate the public buildings here, a new source of boundless expense is opened. FEBRUARY, 1808. Mr. S. concluded with committing himself, soul and body, to the Great Preserver of all things, who knew the inmost thoughts of his heart, and would do him justice. Mr. S. spoke au hour. The resolution was further supported by Messrs. BACON, SMILIE, MILNOR, and UPHAM; and opposed by Messrs. DAWSON, J. MONTGOMERY, BLOUNT VAN HORN, and G. W. CAMPBELL. On motion, the Committee then rose, and the House adjourned. MONDAY, February 8. Mr. MUMFORD presented a memorial of sundry citizens of the State of New York, stating their claims to large tracts of land within the limits of the Territory ceded to the United States by the State of Georgia; and praying that such compensation may be granted to satisfy the said claims of the memoralists, as to the wisdom and justice of Congress shall seem meet.-Referred to the Committee of the Whole to whom was referred a memorial of the Legislature of Massachusetts. What is there here? Two stately edifices on this hill. Yonder we see a few scattered houses. It is said that when it is all built upon it will be warm and pleasant. But can that low ground ever be built upon? It is impossible. On this hill we are exposed to the most violent winds from every point. Last year we were driven out of our hall by the breaking of our windows. It seems that heaven and earth are against our con-against the peace and safety of the same.-Refertinuing here. Mr. S. proceeded to speak of the health of Washington. We have the most sudden changes and the most piercing winds. One day we are choked with the dust, next day we are wallowing in the mire. To accommodate all constitutions, we ought to be in a city where those of a delicate constitution may have a dry pavement to walk on. I have, thank God, a good constitution, and have stood it so long; but how much longer I may stand it I cannot tell, even if my life should escape the snares of wicked men. How often do we see many members confined with colds; some supposed to be sick with mortal diseases. We are asked if better health can be enjoyed in Philadelphia. Facts will prove the sad difference. Mr. S. observed that this city always brought to his remembrance the story of the confusion at Babel. Mr. S. said he understood that Washington's plan was to place the Government at Alexandria or Georgetown. Had this plan been adopted, we might have had comfortable accommodations. In bringing forward this subject, Mr. S. had only endeavored to do his duty. The friends of the measure would never cease their efforts till they had obtained a fair discussiou. I have but one more observation to make. Has this question anything to do with party? No; it is supported by Democrats, by Federalists, by Whigs-by men who have all the good of their country at heart. Has not a respectable number of Federalists come forward in its support? Is there not also a number of Federalists in this city who are opposed to the measure? Mr. SAMUEL SMITH presented a petition of sundry inhabitants of the borough and county of Erie, in the State of Pennsylvania, praying that further provisions may be adopted by Congress to prevent illegal combinations of persons within the United States, and to punish such individuals as may be convicted of treason or misdemeanors red to the committee appointed on the twentyninth of October last, on so much of the Message from the President of the United States, of the twenty-seventh of the same month, as relates to enterprises against the public peace, and to the means of preventing the same, and punishing the authors. Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties.-Read twice and referred to a Committee of the Whole. PURCHASE OF ARMS. Mr. BURWELL Moved the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on the Military and Naval Establishments be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing the President of the United States to procure, as soon as practicable, -stand of arms, to be deposited in safe and suitable places, for the service of the United States. Mr. BURWELL hoped the House would agree to the resolution, that it might go to the Committee, that they might report a bill. It would be recollected that a colleague of his had, a few weeks ago, submitted to the House some resolutions for the purpose of arming the whole militia in the United States. This gentleman, he said, is at this time so much indisposed as to be unable to attend, and possibly the nation may not, at this session, receive the benefit of any such plan. If, however, the resolution which I offer shall become the foundation of a law, and the House appropriate a sufficient sum to purchase fifty or an hundred thousand stand of arms, it will not interfere with that object, if it can be accomplished; but, if pro FEBRUARY, 1808. Purchase of Arms. H. OF R. some mode of procuring them. It is desirable that something on this subject may be done, and this course may produce the most speedy decision. cured, they might be so disposed as to arm the militia or regular force, according to the future determination of the House. It is scarcely necessary to call the attention of the House to the situation of the United States; every man must be Mr. ELY thought it a truly desirable object that impressed with it; our commerce attacked in the United States should possess more arms than every part of the globe, our peace menaced by the they do at present. One hundred and thirty thoumost powerful nations in the world. Although sand were not half the number that the United there may be in the United States an indisposition States ought to possess. He should be willing to to protect commerce at all hazards, yet whenever adopt the resolution if the gentleman from Virit is necessary (no man can tell what is to happen ginia, or any other, would show the means to carin the present state of things, we should therefore ry the object into effect, that arms could be proprepare for the worst) to prepare for defence cured. But, until it could be shown that there against attack on land, but one opinion can pre- were arms in the United States, which could be vail. I have offered this resolution, because the purchased, it was unnecessary to trouble the procuring arms will be indispensably necessary to House with a discussion on the subject, as it would enable us to defend the country. I am one who have a tendency to prevent the States from armbelieves that, if this country is possessed of a suf- ing. Now, if the gentleman who proposed the ficient number of arms, we are perfectly safe resolution could show where fifty thousand stand against the world. I, for one, feel no sort of of arms were to be had, he would adopt any alarm; I feel indifferent to any combination how-measure for procuring them. He did not think ever extensive or formidable. It is impossible to one hundred thousand stand would be one musket conquer this country; it would require a corporal more than the United States ought to have in and a guard for every man. Let us have arms addition to their present supply; but he would and I fear not any mischief from combinations of not be willing to adopt the resolution except it any kind against the country. I hope the resolu- were shown where they could be purchased. The tion will be agreed to, and referred to the commit-political world was now in such a state that arms tee I bave mentioned. Mr. BACON thought this a resolution of considerable importance, which need not be adopted at a moment's warning. He wished further time to consider the subject, and moved that it be referred to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. DAWSON said. that the Committee on our Military and Naval Establishments had made the inquiry contemplated by the resolution. They found that the United States were now in possession of 130,000 stand of arms, and annually manufactured- thousand in addition. Upon this inquiry, they had thought it unnecessary to inquire into the means of procuring an additional supply. could not be procured from foreign nations. He should be glad that some way could be demonstrated. He wished to know, before they committed the subject, that the resolution embraced an object within their reach. Mr. BACON withdrew his motion for commitment, and moved that it lie on the table. Mr. BURWELL assured the gentleman who had just sat down, that he had introduced the resolution not to promote useless discussion. Mr. ELY explained that he had not meant to express an idea that he had. Mr. BURWELL said, it was no part of his object. It appears to me that nothing can be more evident than that every country which anticipates Mr. MARION said, it was indifferent to him what attack should possess more arms than necessary course this resolution should take, though he was to arm any particular number of men that are anxious that the House should come to some de- likely to be called out at one time. Let us suptermination on the subject. Early in the session pose that, by whatever event, a part of our arms a committee had reported a resolution for loaning should be destroyed. Is it not necessary that or selling arms to the several States, which reso- there should be a deposite whence they can be imlution had lain on the table. Several Legislatures mediately supplied? I presume that there should. had since been in session and appropriated money As to any particular place where any quantity of for procuring arms. But, as long as these mo- arms can now be procured, I cannot designate tions were pending in this House, and Congress any. The resolution contemplates vesting a power had the subject under consideration, they knew in the Government to purchase them, if they can not how to act. If Congress will purchase arms, be had. There are, no doubt, some few in the said Mr. M.. it is unnecessary for the States to do seaports. Government may purchase them. Alit; if Congress will sell them, the States will pur- though we cannot import them at this day, we chase them. I myself have been applied to by a may in a few weeks or months, in which time the State authority, to know what success they would state of things may be so far changed as to put it meet, in an attempt to procure arms in the Uni- in the power of the President to procure them. ted States. It is impossible to purchase them in With respect to the number of arms already bethe United States; the armories and manufacto-longing to the United States, it will be considered ries are in contract with the United States or that we have an exposed frontier, liable to the atwith the States for all that can be manufactured, tack of nations on our borders, and it is indispenand it is impossible to procure them, except from sably necessary that the inhabitants on our frontiers foreign nations. If this resolution were adopted, should be armed. The petition that day presentthe details from the committee might furnished by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. |