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H. OF R.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

SMITH,) sufficiently evinces that the United States are not amply provided with arms.

FEBRUARY, 1808.

result of the question, a removal would undoubtedly be effected at some future period. Mr. S. spoke above an hour.

Mr. TALLMADGE said it was with extreme re

Mr. S. SMITH, deemed it his duty to state that the fears of the petitioners, just alluded to, were not chimerical; he personally knew their situa-luctance that he rose to address the Chair on the tion, and was anxious that something should be done for their relief.

Mr. BURWELL having expressed a consent that it might lie on the table, the resolution was so disposed of-42 to 34.

REMOVAL OF THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. Mr. W. ALSTON moved that the unfinished business [Mr. BLOUNT's renewal of Mr. SLOAN'S motion for the removal of the seat of Government] be postponed indefinitely. He presumed every gentleman must be convinced that sufficient time had been occupied by it.

present occasion, as he had from the beginning determined to take no part in the debate. But the subject having taken so extraordinary a turn, and the opposers of the resolution now under consideration, seemingly confident of their strength, ion on the main question, a sense of duty as well having determined to drive the House to a decisas propriety forbade him to be silent.

Since I have had the honor to be a member of the National Legislature, I can recollect no sub. ject that has taken so strange a course as the resolution now under discussion. It was introduced into the House by a gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. SLOAN,) on Tuesday last, stating that it was expedient, and the public good required the removal of the seat of Government from Washington to Philadelphia. After a few remarks were made by the mover of the resolution, a motion was made to consider the same. This occasioned considerable debate, after which a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Lewis) made a motion to postpone it indefinitely, which he afterwards withdrew. A motion was then made by the original mover to commit the resolution to a Committee of the Whole, as well for the purpose of discussion, as to obtain by the order of this House full information on this subject. This was negatived by a majority of two. The gentleman from New Jer

Mr. SAWYER opposed a postponement, because he was in favor of the resolution. Mr. S. conceived that the sober habits and patriotism of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, offered an ample security against our being disturbed by riots and tumults. Philadelphia though containing twenty thousand inhabitants more than New York, has not so many deaths annually by two hundred. There is not a more changeable climate in the world than this of Washington. There is scarcely a day without a storm. There is also something intolerable in the atmosphere of this Hall; and if we choose to continue in this place, we must agree to quit this elegant building. If not the cause, said Mr. S., of his late severe sickness, it was certainly the means of preventing his re-sey then withdrew his resolution. Encouraged

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run over it.

At Philadelphia was the best medical faculty on the globe. If a man in ill health could be possibly cured, they would do it. But here was no medical assistance. If a member should only faint, you must send all the way to the navy yard for a physician.

Mr. S. remarked on the extravagant prices of everything at Washington. A common turkey is sold here for a dollar and a half, butter for fifty cents a pound, and everything else in proportion. The saving in hack-hire, by going to Philadelphia, would amount to one hundred and seventy dollars a day.

In reply to Mr. EPPES, who said that the advocates of removal treated this city as a capricious woman treats her lover, Mr. S. said, he hoped that gentleman did not speak feelingly on the subject. He was the last man to deserve such treatment, and probably spoke from the ardor of imagination rather than from experience.

Mr. S. then went into a consideration of the Constitutional objections to a removal, and contended that they amounted to nothing. Mr. S. was persuaded that, whatever might now be the

by this decision, the opposers of the measure determined to try the question on its merits, and a gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. BLOUNT) renewed the original motion. On the question to consider, it was negatived, 68 to 51. A new motion was then made by a gentleman from Virgia, (Mr. Lewis,) of a negative principle, viz: that it was inexpedient, and the public good did not require a removal. This motion was debated, and amended, and finally permitted to lie on the table. The original resolution was again called up by one of its opposers, until, having devoted nearly a week in its discussion, and not being permitted to retire from the field partially vanquished, its friends determined to give battle. Until this time, Mr. Speaker, I had been on neutral ground, although I had no doubt of the Constitutional rectitude of the measure. In fact I should have been willing to have left the subject at rest where it was; but when gentlemen show a disposition not only to defeat, but to triumph and prostrate their opposers, I feel somewhat indignant at such conduct, and will briefly state to the House some of the principal reasons which will govern my vote on this resolution.

All that can be urged on either side of this question may fairly be comprised under the two following heads, viz:

1st. Does the Constitution interfere to prevent us from legislating on this subject? and, if not, 2dly. Is such a measure expedient and proper? I beg the patient attention of this honorable

FEBRUARY, 1808.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

House while I endeavor to place this momentous question before them in a plain and familiar manner. If it shall be found that the Constitution is imperative in this case, then must the measure be abandoned. This magna charta of our liberties, this palladium of our rights, must be considered as paramount to all law, and wherever its provisions can be brought explicitly to bear, every legislative provision that may contravene, must be, ipso facto, null and void. In the eighth section of this memorable instrument will be found all that is said upon this subject in the following words: "To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 'whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten 'miles square) as may, by cession of particular 'States and the acceptance of Congress, become 'the seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places pur'chased by the consent of the Legislature of the 'State in which the same may be, for the erection ' of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and ' other needful buildings." I deem it all important to the present question to have it distinctly noticed that the aforesaid provision comes in under the power granted to Congress. "The Con'gress shall have power to lay and collect taxes; To borrow money; 'To regulate commerce; To coin money; 'To declare war;

To provide for organizing, arming, and discip'lining the militia;

&c.

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases,"

This instrument was undoubtedly intended to be as perfect as the nature of the case would admit, and provided not only for the election and appointment of the several constituent branches of the Government, but also defined the duties and powers of each. The Government thus organized, and its political machinery put in motion, this great national compact became obligatory in all its parts, and needed no subsequent act of the Legislature to give it a binding force. Here give me leave to inquire what would have been the consequence, as to the Constitution, if the cession of this District had never been made? Will any gentleman say that the Constitution would have been violated, or even incomplete, by such an omission? I trust not. If, then, the non-execution of this particular power would have left no breach in the Constitution, I infer most clearly that the removal of the session of Congress to any other place in the United States cannot be made a Constitutional question.

An honorable gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. KEY,) to refute this doctrine, quotes the act of Congress accepting of the cession from the States of Maryland and Virginia, (see chapter 28th, 2d session of Congress.) and remarks that, although the Constitution is silent upon the subject of permanency, yet the act declares that it shall be the permanent seat of the Government. The answer to this objection must be obvious to every one. If the Constitution provides not for the permanency of the seat of Government, no declaratory

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law of the Legislature could confer that power. With equal force might it be urged that the law to collect taxes, or to organize the militia, were in its nature permanent, because provision is made for them in the Constitution; and, especially, if Congress had pleased to annex that enchanting word "permanent" to the title of the law, as the honorable gentleman so ingeniously urges to establish this as the permanent seat of Government. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, there seems to be an insuperable objection to such a Constitutional provision as the gentleman contends for. I would inquire of him as a lawyer and a civilian, if the doctrine he contends for be correct, whether a law enacted in any other place in the United States would be Constitutional? If his answer should be in the negative, and I presume it would be, what would be the condition of our country in case of invasion, an epidemic, or any other public calamity, by which the Legislature would be prevented from visiting the permanent seat of Government?

I hope by this time that some gentlemen who hear me, and who have hitherto entertained doubts, will be satisfied that Congress have a Constitutional right to legislate on the subject of the present resolution. For my own part I have not the shadow of a doubt resting on my mind.

The next point which claims consideration is, the expediency and propriety of the measure. Í confess that difficulties present themselves here which deserve the most mature consideration, and unless the provisions of the bill which may grow out of this resolution (if one is brought into the House) should fully accord with my judgment on the subject, although I purpose to vote for the resolution, yet I shall feel at liberty to oppose and reject the bill.

It is said that this city was founded by WASHINGTON, whose name it bears; a name which I can never hear pronounced but with veneration and respect. When I reflect on the illustrious acts of this greatest and best of men; when I view him in the character either of the soldier or the statesman, and recollect that I have been honored with any share of his notice during the hardships and dangers of the Revolutionary war, I should be cautious how I tread on hallowed ground. Every public act of his life is calculated to fill the mind with reverence and esteem, and every recommendation seems to have been bottomed on his country's good. But that illustrious hero, who now sleeps in his own humble tomb at Mount Vernon, by submitting to the stroke of death, has proved that he was but a man, and all must acknowledge that no mortal man is perfect. Perhaps his predilection for this place as the seat of Government for the United States, was permitted as a solitary blot on his escutcheon, which was adorned with such a bright constellation of virtues. Could he have foreseen the extravagance and waste which have since ensued, and the prodigal expenditure of treasure which has been lavished upon this favorite seat of republican empire, he would have lamented that he had ever fostered it, and that his name had been used to sanction

H. of R.

the measure.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

FEBRUARY, 1808.

Before he or the Government gave two hundred and eighty miles from the sea. The any sanction to this establishment, assurances navigation of this river is very difficult, and, on were given, that, from the sale of city lots, every an average, would probably need twenty days to public accommodation would be provided for the take one of our frigates into Hampton roads. In Government. The original proprietors gave up doing this she cannot be prepared for sea, and one-half of these to the Government to bring most probably must be lightened even of her guns about this measure, and Virginia and Maryland and stores. I am informed from pretty correct made donations for the use of the city amounting authority that the pilotage alone of the frigate to $192,000. But what did all this effect? When Adams, when she returned from the Mediterrathe Government assembled here in the year 1800 nean, from the mouth of the Potomac to the navy nothing was completed; everything remained to yard, cost $600; and that the expense of wages be done. An advance of $10,000 was made from and provisions to the officers and crew of one of the Treasury to prepare gravel walks and foot- the frigates, while passing from this navy yard, ways, that the members of Congress might assem- until she reached the Chesapeake Bay, cost the ble at the Capitol without sticking in the mire. United States $4,000. This, Mr. Speaker, is no The sales of the city lots proving insufficient, and trifling consideration, and if the frigates should the city funds being expended, a loan of $300,000 be needed on any emergency, how preposterous is was negotiated with the State of Maryland, pro- the idea that all this expense and parade must vided the Government would guaranty the repay-attend their passage into the Chesapeake! I inment. The city lots were mortgaged, and the quire further, from whence are you to be supplied Government of the United States finally acceded with sailors to navigate your ships? From Baltito the proposal. The consequence was, the whole more, Philadelphia, New York, and the Eastern sum was refunded to the State of Maryland from ports; and frequently this is attended with no trithe Treasury of the United States. One fact is fling expense to the Government. From what here deserving of particular notice: the City Com quarter is the timber procured which is used at missioners consented to take the stock of the State this navyy yard? Is it borne down on the streams of Maryland to the nominal amount of the sum of this noble river from the Alleghany mountains, thus loaned, and afterwards sold the same stock or the country above us bordering on its waters? to Maryland, without removing it from their Never have I heard that a single spar or stick of treasury, for $230,000, allowing the State a net timber has been brought here from that quarter. premium of $70,000 for this negotiation. In De- These materials are all to be brought up this river cember, 1799, another loan was obtained from the with a prodigious expense of freight. Even the State of Maryland to the nominal amount of tree-nails which are now piled up in the navy $50,000, for negotiating and paying which she yard, I am informed, were brought from New retained the moderate premium of $9,512. Here York. From whence do we obtain our naval are two negotiations, on which this infant estab- supplies, such as cordage, duck, or sail-cloth, iron, lishment was obliged to sacrifice $79,512 to en- &c.? From the great maritime ports on the Atrich a parent State in her abundant benignity lantic; and when labor is bestowed upon any of towards this new seat of empire. The Govern- those articles here, from the best information I ment of the United States, like many an honest have been able to obtain, it costs the Government endorser before it, was obliged to pay up the nomi- an advance of at least fifty per cent. In addition nal amount of its endorsement. [Here Mr. MONT- to all this, the basin or cove in which our frigates GOMERY, from Maryland, begged leave to explain are laid up in ordinary, is almost a stagnant water, by remarking, that the General and State Gov- and from the nature of the case, during the hot ernment had passed laws authorizing the loan, season of the year, must be putrescent. To what &c.] Mr. T. did not dispute this fact, but still other cause can be imputed the unusual decay of questioned the correctness of the measure before our ships? Who that notices the heavy advances stated. which are made by Government merely to repair the few ships we have in this water, to prevent them from going to the bottom, (if, indeed, they did not rest upon it a part of the time,) but must be forcibly struck with the truth of this remark?

The Treasury once having been opened in aid of this city, annual calls and appropriations have been made, so that they have become as familiar as the supply of the civil list. The question then comes home to every member of this House, What has the Government got for this immense expenditure? The reply is short:-We have got the Presidential palace, the two public offices, the two wings of the Capitol, and the navy yard, including the marine barracks. With respect to the President's house and the public offices, for aught I know, they are now in a tolerable state of repair, and the north wing of the Capitol already needs great repairs, and it requires something more to finish it. Of the navy yard I scarcely know what to say. Situated at the head of tidewater, at the confluence of the Eastern Branch with the Potomac, it is at the distance of about

It has been urged that this is a safe place for a navy. So, indeed, would Marietta, at the confluence of the Muskingum with the Ohio, or Pittsburg, where the Monongahela and the Alleghany rivers unite, and vastly to be preferred for the convenience of purchasing all the materials for shipbuilding. But this I do not consider to be the question.

The inquiry now before the House is, whether this navy yard combines most effectually the great principles of usefulness and convenience with economy and the public good. I am far from wishing to depreciate those institutions, for I believe them essential to our prosperity and exist

FEBRUARY, 1808.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

ence as a commercial people.
flect that this is made the great emporium of our
naval supplies, the place of anchorage for our frig-
ates, and the residence of officers, clerks, and de-
pendants, who might be usefully employed in a
better place, I am constrained thus publicly to
bear testimony against it. As I consider it the
grave which swallows up a considerable portion
of our treasure, and an excrescence which ought
to be cut off; and as I fear this will not be effected
so long as the Government continues here, it fur-
nishes a strong reason for the expediency of a
removal.

H. of R.

But when I re-tures made by citizens and others, who have purchased or built here on the faith of Government. I am for making ample remuneration wherever it shall be deemed equitable and just. Nothing short of this will satisfy me. But it may not be amiss to inquire how far the faith of Government is considered plighted to every man who may have speculated for his own interest, or who may have removed within the influence of its genial beams, and sat down under its fostering influence. Is not the case familiar to most gentlemen who hear me, that when a State erects a new county, builds a court-house, &c., that people immediately settle in its vicinity? If the Government should find it necessary to remove the county business to another place, are the inhabitants entitled to indemnification for their buildings and other improvements? The same may be said of roads and other public institutions.

Again, sir: does any gentleman know, and will he inform this House, what sums are annually expended by the Government to support the civil administration of this District, its courts, juries, officers, and city commissioners? What will be the probable estimates for the year 1808, to complete the expensive stone wall at the President's 3. Another objection against this measure is, square; to repair the north wing of the Capitol, that it will argue a sort of instability in the Govand to earry on the works at the navy yard? We ernment, which may prove injurious. That a are told that $100,000 will be wanted to repair Government should not be continually changing the Capitol alone; a sum large enough to accom-its principles or location, is certainly important; modate both Houses of Congress in any city in but after the Government of the United States the United States north of the Potomac. have made an experiment of nearly eight years continuance at this place, is it not reasonable to suppose that they have had time to form some opinion whether the plan can succeed? I think I shall be safe in declaring that there were more habitable buildings erected on private account when the Government removed here than at this day. Turn your eyes to Greenleaf's Point, to Morris's Village, and to various other parts of this 1. The first objection urged against this meas-magnificent city, and what do you find but buildure, is, that the Government will sacrifice an im-ings tumbling to the earth. The two first menmense sum by such a step. To prove this, a gen- tioned places are but too apt a resemblance of the tleman from Maryland (Mr. VAN HORN) has gone ruins of Palmyra. into a calculation, the prominent points of which I will state, as far as I could note them at my distance from his seat. He stated the amount of lots sold by the city commissioners to be $644,000 Donations from Maryland and Virginia 192.000 Advanced from the Treasury - 732,000

Thus I have stated some of the reasons which plead strongly in favor of the expediency of the measure which I have been compelled to submit to this House, from the zeal and intemperance with which this resolution has been opposed. I will now endeavor to notice a few of the most prominent objections which have been made to the measure, and dismiss the subject.

$1,568,000

Whether this last item includes the $350,000 loaned by Maryland to the Commissioners, I do not know. Perhaps he will condescend to inform this House. If so, for the honor of the State, we will suppose that on a restitution of her original donation she would deduct the premium which she retained on the loan, amounting to nearly $80,000. I am willing, for argument's sake, to admit that the public expenditures have amounted even to $2,000,000 (and this I believe to be much below the truth,) and then I ask the question whether the Government ought to sacrifice this property for the sake of a removal? My answer is, that the immense sums already advanced being but the incipient steps towards prodigious expenditures which must necessarily be made to keep these buildings, &c., in repair, the sooner they are totally abandoned the better.

4. The opposers of this measure have attempted to make this a party measure, and, as usual, the cry of mad dog has been attached to it, and it has been called a Federal measure. I am sorry, Mr. Speaker, that I have occasion to notice anything of this sort; but a sense of duty obliges me to reply to it. Give me leave, then, to inquire, who is the mover of the resolution? Its legiti mate parent, (Mr. SLOAN,) I presume would feel greatly injured if he might not class himself among the most zealous Republicans of the modern stamp. By whom has it been opposed? I hope the delicacy of republicanism will not be wounded when I remark, that among its most able opposers are to be found two gentlemen (Messrs. Key and LEWIS,) who lie under the imputation of being Federalists. I say, then, that party politics have nothing to do with the subject; for I have rarely noticed a question agitated in this House, when party distinctions have been more thoroughly lost in the subject.

5. An appeal has also been made to the passions, sufferings, and feelings, of the people, thereby exciting the popular odium. This, I am sorry to say, has been but too successful, for a member of this House (Mr. SLOAN) has publicly informed us that he has been grossly insulted in his person 2. Another objection arises from the expendi-and threatened with the loss of his life. While I

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H. of R.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

FEBRUARY, 1808.

declare my opinion that the House ought not national affairs, I cannot pass over unnoticed so lightly to pass over such an outrage upon the general and so unmerited a censure. Surely that privileges of its members, I cannot refrain from gentleman must have been unfortunate in his sowarning gentlemen against such dangerous ap- ciety, or he could not have made such a declarapeals. This conduct, countenanced and pursued, tion. Give me leave to assure him that the merwould render a removal indispensably necessary. cantile gentlemen of the Atlantic States with 6. A gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. whom I have been acquainted are to be classed BLOUNT) has told us, in his place, that if the ad- among the most useful and respectable citizens of vocates for this resolution should succeed, he will our country. Many of them, in point of talents lay a resolution on the table to repeal the law and literary acquirements, are to be found in the establishing the funding system. This is threat-first grade, and would not suffer by a comparison ening with a vengeance. It is hardly to be sup- with any honorable member on this floor. As ported by weak, frail men. However well this they are the medium through whose agency the may accord with the correct principles of modern surplus products of the planter are sent to a forlegislation, in morals I am sure it would be con- eign market, so may they be said to be mutual demned. It reads to me somewhat like this: if aids to each other. To whose exertions, if not to you do a base action, I will immediately do a those of commercial men, are we indebted for forworse one to pay you for it. Does the gentleman eign supplies, which contribute so essentially to think that men are to be driven from their pur- the comfort and convenience of the citizens at poses of public duty by threats of this sort? Can large? And, above all, through whose hands does he discover no distinction between a legislative the revenue of the United States first pass into provision to locate the seat of Government, and a the chests of your collectors? The honorable solemn covenant entered into by the Government gentleman (Mr. C.) was pleased to remark, that with individuals to pay them for value received! the speech of a very worthy member from PennHas he carefully examined the sixth article of the sylvania, (Mr. MILNOR,) would convince the Constitution, which says: "That all debts con- House that he was not a lawyer. In return, I 'tracted and engagements entered into before the would observe, that I believe no mortal could sup'adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid pose he was a merchant. against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation ?"

I have too high an opinion of the integrity and good sense of this House, to believe that they would sustain such a resolution for a moment. Having a little native obstinacy in my make, if my mind hesitated on this subject, I think I could bring myself to vote for the resolution, to give the gentleman an opportunity to try his favorite

measure.

The accommodation of the members, the unhealthiness of this place, and various inconveniences, have been stated as reasons for a removal. The uniform civility which I have received from the people in general, and the polite attention from my particular friends, demand and receive my acknowledgment. But it ought not to pass unnoticed, that during the autumnal season, the principal executive officers of our Government deem it not prudent or safe to tarry at this place.

Another circumstance worthy of notice, is the wretched state of the roads over which you must pass to the seat of Government from any quarter. If the neighboring States had ever contemplated to repair them, time enough has been afforded for that purpose; and if the Government of the United States have this task to accomplish, it furnishes a strong argument in favor of a removal to a country where these expenditures will not be called for.

How gentlemen have dragged in the revolt of the Army during the war, or the relative abilities of merchants and lawyers to administer the Government, as bearing on the question. I cannot conceive. Since the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. | G. W. CAMPBELL) has been pleased to declare that merchants are the last men in the community to whose management he would confide our

Having occupied more time than I was aware of in submitting my sentiments to this honorable House, I must necessarily omit enlarging on the peculiar benefits which would result from a removal to Philadelphia. If the accommodation of the members of the Government, as well as of strangers and visiters, who may have business to transact, be of any importance; if domestic endearments and society are of any avail; if speedy access to every useful source of information, whether commercial or political, foreign or domestic, may be brought into the account; if, in fact, it is not absolutely necessary for the preservation of republican liberty to pursue a new course, un warranted by any precedent, to legislate in retirement and solitude, rather than in some pleasant city or town, then, sir, are we most imperiously called on to weigh the subject maturely before we act, and not hastily and passionately to pass a negative upon the resolution now under consideration. I cannot but consider the subject as vastly important to the honor, the welfare, and the prosperity of the country. Whether, at the present crisis, we are imperiously called on to decide this question, I will not pretend to determine; but if gentlemen should persist in urging this House to a decision without further information, my vote shall be given in favor of the resolution.

Mr. W. ALSTON withdrew his motion, as he had not intended to cause a discussion by it; he had moved it for the purpose of getting rid of the subject altogether.

Mr. QUINCY rising to speak under a belief that the question on the passage of the resolution had recurred―

The SPEAKER declared that the House had not yet agreed to consider the subject; and no debate being admissible on a motion to consider, the ques

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