dence of their country? No; the greater number of those worthies are with us. Is that class of citizens who have raised themselves into notice and importance by years of devotion to public services, numbered among our accusers? No; the greatest number of that class is also on the same side of the question with us. I have no skill in finding out motives; the science is too mysterious and occult for the dimness of my intellectual vision. The abortive attempts which I have so often witnessed, have disqualified me from putting in my pretensions for distinction and promotion. I trust, sir, that such language must proceed either from the intemperance of discussion, or from a misconception of the American character, which can never descend from the elevated station of independence to become the pander or the puppet of despots.

FEBRUARY, 1808.

some time engaged in circulating reports of French influence over the councils of the nation. These charges were in themselves so destitute of even the semblance of truth-so totally unfounded and unsupported by any facts to give them the color of probability-that they made little or no impression on the public mind, and were rejected as slanderous falsehoods, the mere offspring of malignity, as generally as they were known. The more respectable public prints of the same party refuted these charges, and treated them with that contempt which they deserved. They therefore received no serious notice from those against whom they were made, and there appeared to be a general disposition to suffer them to sink into that silent oblivion to which the good sense of the nation would most certainly have consigned them. But, when these charges are borrowed from those Persevering firmness in the present course will petty scribblers, and echoed and repeated on this have the tendency of adjusting our differences, floor by a person having the honor of a seat in the and of giving to such adjustment the character of House, it is high time they should be noticed-to permanency. When all hopes of producing a re- be longer silent would be criminal. Issue is now laxation in our principles are abandoned, the pre-joined, and the guilty, whoever they may besent crisis will no longer present a threatening whether the accused or the accusers-must stand aspect. On our firmness at this time depends the forth before the nation, stripped of their mask of confuture prosperity of the nation. To us is now cealment, to receive the sentence of public indigconsigned, Mr. Speaker, the arduous task, amidst nation, that will frown them with contempt into the convulsions and tempests which agitate the obscurity. For there is no medium in this case: world, of keeping in the haven of peace the vessel the accusers or the accused must be guilty-must of State. Perform this important service, and you be enemies to their country-and it is high time will enjoy a reward, of all others the most grate- the nation-the people of America-should know ful to a patriot, the smiles of his country. their friends from their foes. The crisis calls for it, and the honor and dignity of this House demand that the guilty should be exposed. If the charges can be supported, that any portion of the members of this House are acting under foreign influence, let the people know it; let them change their representation; let them send men of integforeign Power. But if, on the contrary, those allegations are found to be false and unfounded, then let the nation know this, and let the finger of scorn point at those who have published such groundless falsehoods, and render them the objects of public contempt and detestation. This subject is now fairly before the public, and he who had made such serious charges on this floor-charges that the majority of this House is acting under the impulse of French or Gallic influence-will, it is presumed, produce to this House and the nationMr. G. W. CAMPBELL said it was with more and he is now called upon to do so-the proofs, than usual reluctance that he rose to address the the evidence, or facts, that support those charges; House on this occasion, and nothing but a sense and if these are not produced, it must be considof duty would impel him to enter into a discus-ered by this House and by the nation that there sion in which it might be necessary to notice charges made against the majority of this House, of the Senate, and against the Government in general, which, if true, ought to be proved and made known to the public, so as to produce a total renovation in the national councils; and, if false, ought to consign their authors to that disgraceful infamy which such conduct was calculated to draw upon them-an infamy that should mark them out as common calumniators, and hold them forth as fit objects for national contempt. The petty scribblers in the party newspapers have been for

The SPEAKER said he was under the necessity of reminding gentlemen that the question before the House was on the recommitment of the bill.

Mr. LIVERMORE said he had apprehended that was the motion, and that they were not now considering the propriety of laying the embargo. For his own part, he thought the bill ought to be com-rity, who are superior to the secret influence of a mitted; and he hoped the gentleman from Virginia would not say that he was one of those mushroom politicians or political wiseacres he had alluded to, because he concurred with him in agreeing that the bill should be recommitted, to be amended, or thrown into some kind of order. He should forbear making any comments on the speech of the honorable gentleman last up, on the propriety of laying an embargo; but, at some time when the subject was properly before the House, he would go into a discussion.

are no such proofs of facts, and that therefore these charges are groundless calumnies, circulated abroad at this important crisis by the enemies of this country to distract the public mind and destroy the confidence of the people in their Government, which would palsy the energies of the nation, and render her more vulnerable to the attacks of a foreign enemy.

On the subject of the embargo, Mr. C. said he had been hitherto silent in this House-he thought it more important to act than to speak. The reasons for passing the law laying an embargo, said

Mr. C., appeared to me (as they did, I presume, to a majority of the House) so strong, so self-evident, that they must produce conviction without argument; and to discuss a measure under such circumstances appeared like a useless waste of time, and, as it were, admitting a doubt where none existed. And since the passage of that law, events have succeeded each other so rapidly, which prove to every American friendly to his country, whose mind is not warped by prejudice, not only the propriety and policy of the law, but the great importance and absolute necessity of it at this time, for the security of our merchandise and seamen, the preservation of peace, and to prepare the country for war, that even those who opposed the measure at first seemed to be convinced of its utility, and appeared disposed to support it as the only means in our power calculated to preserve the honor and promote the general welfare of the nation. The public sentiment throughout this Union, so far as it has been in the power of the people to express it, in their Legislative as well as individual capacity, has not only sanctioned this law, but warmly approved the policy of it, and pledged the energies of the nation to support the measure. Thus, it would seem that the reasons for passing it appeared as self-evident to, and made as strong an impression on the minds of the people at large, as they did on the minds of the majority of the National Legislature. It was, therefore, deemed unnecessary to enter into an investigation of those reasons on this floor.

H. OF R.

out sacrificing at the foot of British power our national honor and independence. In addition to these, it was known that the British Ministry had informed our Ambassadors at London that they would adopt orders to countervail the French blockading decree, and a note to this effect was annexed to the treaty which had been agreed upon by the Commissioners of the two countries, and afterwards rejected by our Government. This note appeared in the public prints previous to the passage of the embargo law, and was sufficient to convince every man that Britain would act according to this declaration. About the same time, it was stated in the Government prints of that country which had reached us, that orders, on the part of Great Britain, countervailing the French decree, and declaring France and all her dependencies (being almost the whole continent of Europe) in a state of siege, had been prepared, and were about to be published. That this measure, therefore, either was adopted by Great Britain, or certainly would be in a short time, was fairly calculated upon, and generally believed. The event has justified the expectation. The countervailing orders have since been issued by Great Britain, interdicting all commerce with France and her dependencies, and these have been followed by Orders after Orders almost innumerable. In what situation, then, were we placed by those decrees and orders? Prohibited from all commerce with England and her territories, by France; and, on the other hand, interdicted from all commerce with But, when charges of the most serious nature France and the rest of the continent by the Orders are made on this floor against the majority of the of Great Britain. Where, then, could our vessels House-charges that they are acting under and go, without being exposed to capture? Not to a governed by French influence, (for this is in sub- single port in Europe or her dependencies. In this stance the allegation)-charges which I believe situation, what were we to do? We had but one to be unfounded with respect to every member of alternative-either to go to war with all the Powthe House of the majority, and which so far as ers of Europe at once, or suspend for a time all regards myself I know to be, and now so declare intercourse with them, and keep at home our merthem, infamous, groundless falsehoods-it may be chandise, vessels, and seamen. We were not preproper, and I deem it my duty, to state some of pared for the former, either with men or resources; the reasons that governed my conduct in voting nor could it possibly be our interest to enter into for the law laying an embargo, and the subsequent such a contest, if it could be avoided. We chose supplemental act, for carrying into more complete to adopt the latter; it was certainly the least evil effect the same object, and which will also induce of the two; it was the only measure that left us me to vote for the bill now under discussion. These the chance of preserving peace, and at the same reasons arise from the situation in which this na- time enabled us to be prepared for war. There tion was at that time placed in relation to the great were no other means by which war could be belligerent Powers of Europe. We were then offi- avoided. Our vessels were liable to seizure on the cially informed that Bonaparte had determined ocean, if bound to any port in Europe or her deto execute, in the most rigorous manner, his de- pendencies. Seizures, under such circumstances, cree of the 21st of November, 1806, declaring the would have been just cause of war. Had our vesBritish isles in a state of blockade. By this mea- sels gone out and been captured, we should have sure, our commerce with Great Britain and her been forced into a war, from which we could dependencies was interdicted. At the same time expect to derive no benefit, and which it was our was made known to us a proclamation issued by interest to avoid, if possible. Placed, as we apthe British Government relative to seamen, assert-peared to be, in the midst of danger-as it were ing her right, and declaring her determination to pursue a certain line of conduct on the ocean incompatible with the hitherto acknowledged laws of nations-a conduct which has been the subject of dispute between that Government and ours for several years past, and to which, she was well assured by the representations of our Government, we would not assent, and could not submit, with

between Scylla and Charybdis-we endeavored to steer a middle course, at equal distances from the violence of the waves and the dangers of the rocks on either shore. We have hitherto succeeded in that object. We have pursued such a course as has not put it in the power of either of the belligerents to charge us with partiality in our conduct-they have not attempted it. This charge

H. OF R.

Embargo.

FEBRUARY, 1808.

has been confined to the minions of disaffection any degree acquainted with the situation of this within our own country. There is scarcely a country in regard to the belligerent Powers, and reflecting man who denies, at this day, the policy had considered the effects that this measure would and correctness of the law laying the embargo. have on them, could for a moment entertain the It has hitherto saved us from the dangers and ca- opinion, or even hazard a conjecture that it was lamities of war; and it would seem as if the finger adopted under the influence of any foreign Power, of Providence had pointed out this measure, as the much less under that of France. The allegation most fortunate that could under existing circum- is so wild, so inconsistent in itself so destitute stances have been adopted. It will no doubt press of the least semblance of probability, and altogether hard on ourselves in some respects, and it must be unsupported by the least shadow of proof, that expected that any measure that we could have nothing but the basest malignity of heart could adopted, which would produce any effect on oth- engender and publish so shameless, foul, and infaers, would press hard on ourselves; but it will bear mous a falsehood; and yet, sir, said Mr. CAMPBELL much harder on those Powers who occasioned it, it has been echoed on this floor-sounded in your and make them feel the necessity of our commerce. ears in the frantic strains of a raving maniac, and It will bear, in a great degree, equally hard on the in the discussion of a subject no ways calculated great belligerent Powers of Europe-England and to excite such extraordinary passions. Hence it France. Their West India colonies will suffer may be supposed it was a premeditated scheme to equally for want of provisions. France will lose seize on that occasion in order to give vent to those more of the colonial trade, hitherto carried on by vindictive passions against the Government and neutrals, in consequence of the embargo, than the Republicans of this nation, which seem enGreat Britain; and indeed the loss of trade in gen-tirely to occupy and engross the minds of certain eral by France on this account will be greater than persons. In noticing what was said by the memthat of Great Britain, as the former for some time ber from New York, I beg to be understood, as not past received a great proportion of her trade by considering these statements as deriving any sort the American shipping. But on the other hand of consequence or importance from him who made Great Britain may suffer more for want of the raw them here. It is not on that account that they materials furnished for her manufactures hereto-merit or receive the least notice. That person fore by this country, than France, but both will can only be considered as the mere conduit used sensibly feel the loss of our trade. And the mea- by those behind the screen to convey these groundsure, so far as regards us, is calculated to operate less slanders to the public-the common trumpeter, equally on both, and no possible difference can be who gives no importance to what he makes pubdiscovered to exist. lic, except what is derived merely from the place he occupies, or the duties assigned him to perform. It is not therefore apprehended that what has been said on this occasion by that member will make any other or stronger impression on the public mind, than was made by the same tale, when handed to the public through the medium of party or hireling newspapers.

Under these circumstances, what pretence, what foundation is there for saying that in adopting this measure there was any partiality manifested for France? There is none that can be perceived. There is another circumstance attending the case which at once seems to baffle any attempt to show partiality in the operation of the law before the House. It is said this law is to operate as a nonintercourse law-that you are going to cut off all intercourse with the colonies of one of the belligerent Powers, (Great Britain,) bordering on our northeast frontier, and partiality has been charged on this ground. But gentlemen seem to have forgotten that Spain possesses territories on our south and southwestern frontier, on which this law will operate as severely as it will on the territory on our northeastern frontier-and that Spain is the ally of France, and that of course what operates on Spain, operates on France. This law will therefore operate equally on those Powers, even in this respect. There is not, therefore, the least foundation for the assertion that the embargo is calculated to favor France. If there were no other data to judge from but the effects it must have on that Power and her allies, who derived the greatest advantage from our neutral trade, the thing is unfeasible and absolutely absurd.

No man of sense can suppose that France would wish or dictate a measure that would produce as great, if not greater injury to herself than to her enemy. Such a supposition would be next to madness. From these considerations, it would be supposed that no man, who had made himself in

With regard to the objections made to the subject before you they seem to be founded in error, and in not attending to or understanding the object of the embargo. It is objected that this bill is intended to operate as a non-intercourse bill. The embargo was certainly intended to operate as a non-exportation law; no man ever denied this; otherwise we could not keep our merchandise at home; and it is as important to prevent its being exported by land as it is by water. The object of this law is to do equal justice to all parts of the Union, and not permit those in one part to have a market, of which those in another part are deprived; and that operating to defeat the very object of the embargo. No honest man can wish to do injustice; he could not wish to favor one part of the country at the expense of all the rest.

Mr. C. said he had not particularly attended to the details of the bill; the principle he considered correct, which was to make the embargo bear equally on all parts of the Union. The member from New York said we were riveting chains on the people. No, sir, said Mr. C., we are not riveting chains on them; we are using our best endeavors to vindicate their rights; but those who oppose the true interests of their country on every