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Relations with Great Britain.

night before Mr. Pitt's death, an order was sent ment I was also convinced that the manner in to the suitable department to report the number which I had opposed the measure of his Governof American vessels which had been seized, and ment, had produced no improper effect. The condemned, or dismissed, with the damages inci- Message is considered by the public in general as dent thereto, which looked as if a change was con- furnishing satisfactory proof that our Government templated even under him. The disasters on the will vindicate its rights with firmness, in case this continent tended to show the folly of the measure, Government imposes on it the necessity. There to which the eyes of the new Ministry will doubt-seems to be no difference of opinion that, in case less be more open. The present is a very import-a misunderstanding took place between the two ant epoch in our concerns with this country and countries, it was attributable to this Government, Spain, as to the commerce which we are to enjoy and not to ours. In consideration of the effect with the West Indies after a peace. There would which the extent of our commerce, as heretofore be cause of regret if that event took place before enjoyed, had on the fortunes of this country in they were adjusted. I have heard nothing from impairing its own resources, or rather was supGeneral Armstrong, or Mr. Bowdoin, for more posed to have, and in supplying the wants of its than two months past. I shall do everything in enemies, the party in favor of the sentiments of my power to avail myself of the favorable oppor- the Ministry was a strong one, as a measure of tunity which is thus presented, by a concurrence policy. But there did not appear to be any one, of extraordinary events, to place our affairs with or at most very few, who approved the manner in this country on an advantageous footing, and I which that measure was introduced, being withhope not without effect. The considerations out notice to our Government, and of course a which made it improper for me to sail to the Uni- surprise on our people; under the circumstance, ted States at any time since my return to Eng- too, of an existing negotiation, which made it land, seem now to operate with peculiar force. As more highly reprehensible. I expect in a day or the seizure of our vessels had then commenced, two to give you more full information respecting I could not withdraw without great compromit- the arrangement of the new Ministry, and of the ment of our Government and myself, without re- consequences likely to result from the change. monstrating against it. And, after taking that I am, sir, with great respect and esteem, your step, I could not withdraw and leave the business very obedient servant, unfinished, especially after the strong opposition which I made to it; which I thought the nature of the transaction merited, and the state of public affairs in Europe justified. Thus engaged, I have felt it imperiously my duty to pursue the business in all its windings. I shall, therefore, neither abandon the ground, nor relax in my exertions to accomplish the object till something conclusive is done, unless the President may think proper to consign the trust to some other person. I fear that the expectation of my return to the United States, which was authorized by my first letters after my return here, as by those of an earlier date, has prevented your communicating to me your sentiments on these important topics, as you otherwise might have done. I flatter myself, however, that you will have concluded from those which followed, as from the nature and course which this business has taken, that I should be detained through the Winter; and, in consequence, that I shall soon have the pleasure to receive such communications from you. As the health of my family has been improved by the late excursion into the country, I expect them in town in a few days; since now that the Ministry is about to change, and there is a fair prospect of accomplishing something to advantage, I do not wish to be absent a moment.

JAMES MONROE.

No. 41.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.

LONDON, February 12, 1806. SIR: The arrangement of the new Ministry was completed, and its members installed in their respective offices, in the course of the last week. It makes, as you will find by the list, a thorough change of character, as I hope it will of principle, in its measures, at least in respect to us. It is well known that the King yielded to this change with extreme reluctance; that he offered to supply the chief place, which had become vacant by the death of Mr. Pitt, by Lord Hawkesbury, who did not seem unwilling to accept it, and in other respects to preserve the power in the same hands, with a view, as is to be inferred, of pursuing the same system of measures; but the other members of the late Ministry seemed disposed to retire, and as the opposition was not to be broken, and external causes pressed with great force, the change could no longer be resisted. The measure itself being resolved on, the King had the prudence not to embarrass it with conditions that were sure to be ill-received, or not accepted. He assented at once to commit the administration to the opposition, and authorized Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox to form and present to him an arrange

The President's Message to Congress has produced a very good effect here. I have reason to think that it was not ill-received by the Government for the purpose. The only obstacle which ment, as, at the levee and drawing-room, I was shown rather more than usual attention by the King and Queen soon after it appeared, and have experienced from Lord Mulgrave, in an interview of ceremony at his own house since, as I had before at the Court, much eivility. By his deport10th CoN. 1st SESS.-77

was understood to have arisen afterward, respected the continuance of the Duke of York in the chief command of the forces, which was objected to by these gentlemen. That obstacle, however, was finally removed, by the King's assenting that the Duke might be assisted, or perhaps controlled,

Relations with Great Britain.

ward the United States in the course of the pres ent war was as consonant to their principles and wishes in the most important points as they could desire it to be; that on that ground I left the bu

that no change in the existing relations between the countries would be made in my absence. I assured him that I was astonished to find, on my return, that on the contrary those relations had experienced a most essential change; that an attack had been made on our commerce on a principle which had heretofore been so completely settled between our Governments, and abandoned by his, as to have been a case for which no provision was proposed in the project referred to. I explained to him the ground of this remark, and

by a military council. The new Ministry is composed of characters who have, till of late, been opposed to each other; from which circumstance, as from a knowledge that the King must retain a strong prejudice against some of them, it is be-siness, when I went to Spain, in the expectation lieved by many that it will not remain long in power. The presumption is not an unreasonable one, though there are many considerations to authorize a different conclusion. It is not likely that the causes which formed the union will soon be done away. It is more probable that they will acquire greater force. From present appearances, those which are external cannot well fail to do it, and they must tend to produce a correspondent effect internally. If the war continues between this country and France, or the present rivalry in peace, this Government will be compelled, to pre-informed him that I had written several notes to serve its independence, to arm the whole nation, Lord Mulgrave on the subject, to which I had not whence the people must unavoidably have more been able to obtain an answer, on the main quesinfluence in its measures. Such a course of things tion, though he seemed desirous, by keeping it would be apt, not only to preserve the union which open, in his short replies, that I should not conalready exists between many who have been hith-sider it as decided against the United States. I erto opposed to each other, but to strengthen it, and even to increase the weight and consideration of those who were viewed for many years past with most jealousy, and now admitted into a participation of power with the greatest reluctance, in the direction of public affairs.

As soon as Mr. Fox took possession of his of fice, he requested an interview with the foreign Ministers, which took place yesterday. We were introduced separately, As soon as the ceremony of the interview had passed, I observed that I presumed he had been too short a term in office to have made himself acquainted with what had occurred between his predecessors and myself, more especially the last one. He said he had not had time to read the papers, though he presumed be had a general idea on some of the topics. In respect to the immediate question, he asked whether I had made to them, or they to me, any proposition? I gave a short sketch of the part which our respective Governments had acted since the commencement of the present war toward each other. I told him that my Government had been ready to form a commercial treaty with his on the expiration of the late one; that it had agreed to postpone it to accommodate his, and with a desire that the arrangements which might be formed, being entered into at a time when each had sufficient leisure to attend to the object, and founded on a liberal view of their respective interests, might place their relations on such a footing as to secure their friendship from interruption, at least at an early day; that in the same spirit it had sought to put out of the way certain causes of a transient nature which might possibly create misunderstanding in the course of the war, such as the impressment of our seamen, blockades by proclamation, &c., according to a project which had been presented to Lord Hawkesbury, and to both his successors; that those gentlemen never gave any definitive answer to that project, and urged, as a cause of their delay, the other and pressing engagements of their Government, with which I was well acquainted, as also that its conduct to

could not avoid intimating to him that the friendly disposition which our Government had shown had been most ungenerously requited by his; that it seemed as if it had pursued a just and friendly conduct toward the United States till the moment that the new coalition was formed, gave the present blow when the prospect was favorable to success, and kept the business in suspense to see the result of affairs on the Continent and in the United States. He heard me with much attention and apparent interest; intimated that he had been accused of being too friendly to America, and when I spoke of the treaty with Russia, he observed that he had thought that the arrangement made by it was a good one, though I did not understand him as pledging himself by the remark to its conditions. I requested that he would make himself master, as soon as in his power, of the correspondence between Lord Mulgrave and myself, and give me an interview, which he promised. I am happy to add, on a view of all the circumstances, that I think the prospect of arranging our affairs with this Government, especially that one which respects our trade with the colonies of its enemies, on satisfactory terms, a very favorable one. It is certain that nothing more favorable was, or could reasonably have been expected from the first inerview with the present Minister.

I am, sir, with great respect and esteem, your very obedient servant,

JAMES MONROE.

No. 42.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.

LONDON, February 28, 1806. SIR: Presuming that it may be satisfactory to the President, and useful to be made acquainted without delay with every incident that occurs, I have the pleasure to send you a copy of a late note to Mr. Fox, on our concerns in his hands. In our first interview he promised to examine the papers, and give me another at an early day; but

Relations with Great Britain.

as I did not hear from him within the time I had expected, I called again, when he informed me that he had not yet been able to take up the American papers, but should soon do it. He asked in what shape the most interesting topic presented itself, alluding, as I understood, to the late seizures? I replied by a complaint on the part of the United States of a violation by Great Britain of the relations subsisting between the countries; and I illustrated the remark by a sketch of the conduct of his Government in the most material circumstances. To the merits of the case he said but little. What he did say, however, was conciliating; and he repeated, what he had said in the former interview, his earnest desire to see the affairs of the two countries placed on the most friendly footing. He assured me that I should hear from him as soon as he had read the papers, which he would do without delay. I intimated that, by giving him a summary of the whole, I might perhaps facilitate his research, to which he assented. It was on that ground that I addressed him the enclosed note.

I have since received your letter of January 13, in which you promise to send me an examination of the British principle lately published, the memorials of the merchants of our principal towns, and other documents illustrative of the subject. I shall be happy to receive these, and shall certainly endeavor to draw from them all the aid which they can furnish. The letter referred to in the commencement of that of the 13th has not come to hand, nor has any of a later date than December 4. I shall be attentive to the injunction contained in the last paragraph of that of the 13th.

As the subject is now fairly before the new ministry, who seem to be well disposed in the business, permit me to submit it to consideration whether it may not be better that no measure should be definitively adopted, or, if already adopt ed, be executed till a fair experiment be made of what may be expected of it. By suspending what might have been contemplated in another view, and even necessary, it may tend to conciliate those now in power, and be productive of good. I have the honor to be, with great respect and consideration, your obedient servant,

JAMES MONROE.

PRINCE'S STREET, Feb. 25, 1806. SIR: I have the honor to transmit you a note of the papers which are material in my correspondence with your predecessors on certain interesting topics, which have been for some time depending between our Governments, and are still unsettled. These are, 1st. The rights of neutral Powers in certain specified cases; 2d. The impressment of American and desertion of British seamen; and 3d. The boundary between the United States and the British possessions in America. The papers referred to will, I presume, sufficiently illustrate these topics. I shall, how ever, be permitted to accompany them with some remarks, to explain the course which the business

has taken, and the state in which you receive it. Aware of the abuses which had been practised, in respect to neutral rights and seamen in the last war, and of their injurious effect on the interest of both countries, my Government was very desirous to prevent a repetition of them in the present one. With that view, and by its order, I had the honor to propose to Lord Hawkesbury, soon after the commencement of the war, an arrangement by convention of these interests, on such just and fair conditions as was presumed would have been readily acceded to. You will see by the project which I then presented to his Lordship at his request, that the object was strictly to prevent abuses and the ill consequences incident to them, not to acquire any advantage to the United States by the establishment of controverted principles in the one, or unreasonable pretensions in the other case. In respect to neutral rights, it was proposed to adopt between the Governments, in such cases as were more liable to abuse, certain principles or rules of conduct which Great Britain had already assented to in her Treaty with Russia in 1801. As those Powers had entered into that treaty for the express purpose of defining the law of nations in the cases to which it applied, and Great Britain had adopted its conditions afterwards in separate conventions with Denmark and Sweden, with the same view, it was concluded that her Government would not hesitate to admit its doctrine, or to observe its injunctions with other Powers. The same motive was felt and respected in the proposition which I had the honor to make in respect to seamen. The sensibility of the Government, and indeed of the whole nation, had been subjected to great and almost continual excitement by the abuses which had been committed in that line, on the high seas, in the islands, and sometimes in the ports, of the United States. The sons of respectable citizens had been snatched from them, many of whom were doomed never to return, to be slain in wars to which their country was not a party, or otherwise perish in a foreign service. No rule had been established by the Government to discriminate between American and British seamen, a thing not easily done by the most impartial, and the commanders of many of His Majesty's ships of war and privateers, especially the latter, acknowledged none but their own judgments in making the discrimination. The highest American documents were often either not looked at, or utterly disregarded. It was evidently improper that an interest of a nature so delicate and important, one which is so intimately connected with the sovereignty and independence of the nation, should be left longer in such a state of oppression. My Government felt that it would be wanting in what it owed to its character as in its duty, if it did not endeavor to put an end to a practice so injurious, and at the same time so degrading. It was, therefore, one of the objects of the project referred to, to provide a remedy for that evil. But it was understood that Great Britain complained likewise of an injury in respect to her seamen, though of a different kind

Relations with Great Britain.

for that also, it was proposed to provide an adequate remedy. In protecting American citizens from impressment, my Government was far from desiring to extend its protection to any one who had not a just claim to it. It was ready to meet the injury complained of by Great Britain, and to suppress it by the most effectual means in its power. These propositions were neither accepted nor rejected by Lord Hawkesbury, though I think myself perfectly correct in stating that nothing occurred in our conferences, to justify an inference that he thought them unreasonable. They were postponed from time to time at his instance, and finally transferred to Lord Harrowby, his successor. I revived the subject immediately with Lord Harrowby, to whom I also submitted, at the same time, a proposition relative to boundaries. It happened that Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King had made a convention on this latter subject within a few days of the time, when one was also concluded between the United States and France, whereby the province of Louisiana was ceded to those States. As it was not known to Lord Hawkesbury or Mr. King, when they formed their treaty, that one had been concluded with France, it was impossible that the conditions of the French Treaty should be in any degree affected by that with Great Britain. It was, however, apprehended that, if the British Treaty should be ratified by the President and Senate, after the conditions of the other were known, without providing against it, it might lay the foundation for such a pretension. It was, therefore, proposed to modify the convention in such a manner as to preclude a claim which would be equally unjust and unauthorized. As this subject is fully explained in my note to Lord Harrowby, of the 5th September, 1804, it is unnecessary to enter further into it at present. The conduct of Lord Harrowby in this business was essentially the same with that of his predecessor. It was postponed from time to time for the consideration of the Cabinet, whose decision I was taught to expect, but never received. I had been ordered by my Government, before Lord Harrowby came into office, to repair to Spain on a special mission, as soon as the business with his Lordship should be concluded. Of that fact, after waiting some time, I gave his Lordship information, in the hope of promoting despatch. Still, however, the business was delayed, the Cabinet, as I was informed, having come to no decision on any point, till finally it was agreed between us, to postpone the whole until my return from Spain, when it should be resumed and concluded. I left Great Britain on that mission in October, 1804, and returned in July, 1805.

At the epoch referred to, the relations between the two countries were of a character the most friendly. Not an American vessel had been condemned on any principle which was relied on by my Government, and only one that I knew of on any principle whatever. Their commerce with each other was, as it always will be when left to its natural course, most flourishing; and that which the United States claimed, as a neutral Power,

with other nations on a footing which was perfectly satisfactory to their Government. At my return, however, the scene was completely changed. A system of seizure and condemnation of Ameri can vessels had been commenced on a principle respecting which, it was presumed, that no new discussion could ever arise; one which was considered as having been so completely settled between the Governments, that, in the project above referred to, it was not contemplated to make a provision for it: a principle which had been renounced by Great Britain in her treaty with the United States in 1794; which had been condemned by the Commissioners who sat under that treaty; which had been renounced by the Court of Admiralty in a subsequent decision; by Lord Hawkesbury in a formal communication with my predecessor in 1801; by the treaty with Russia in the same year; and, what is perhaps still more conclusive, by the Government, in the sanction which had been given to that commerce for the two preceding years of the war. I could not otherwise than be much surprised at a proceeding which I considered objectionable in so many views, and hastened to remonstrate against it to Lord Mulgrave in several notes whose dates are annexed. To these his Lordship never honored me with a conclusive answer, with one which acknowledged the measure an act of the Government, or disclaimed it on its part. The proceeding has been highly injurious to the United States; about one hundred and twenty of their vessels have been seized, several of which were condemned, all taken from their course, detained, and otherwise subjected to heavy losses and damages. To the immediate sufferers it has been disastrous; but the ill effect has not been confined to them only. It has been severely felt in the general commerce of the country.

I have thought it my duty to give you above a sketch of the several topics depending between our Governments, which are submitted to your consideration. They are all of a nature very interesting, as I am persuaded you will find by a perusal of the documents referred to. But the late seizure and condemnation of American vessels, are acts which have proved so highly injurious to the United States, and have so essentially changed the relations which subsisted between the countries, that they will, I flatter myself, obtain from you a more immediate and particular attention. I beg you to be assured that I shall be happy to have it in my power to transmit to my Government, without delay, such communications on your part, which may serve not only to heal the wound which has been thus unexpectedly received, but to promote in other respects, by suitable arrangements, the reciprocal and permanent interests of both nations and the best understanding between their Governments.

I beg you to accept the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. JAMES MONROE.

The Right Hon. C. J. Fox, &c.

No. 43.

Relations with Great Britain.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.

LONDON, March 31, 1806.

be duly notified that the negotiation has failed. Such a suspension will be deemed a sufficient mark of respect to those in the Ministry who are disposed to a fair accommodation, and the attitude will, in my opinion, tend to aid their councils in producing that effect.

I am, sir, with great respect and esteem, your very obedient servant,

JAMES MONROE.

No. 44.

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison.

LONDON, April 3, 1806.

SIR: Your letter of the 13th January is the last I have received. The pamphlet enclosed with it has been republished here, and I have this day transmitted a copy of it to Mr. Fox, with whom I had an interview on the 28th. I had expected, from what passed between us on the 11th, that before this much progress would have been made in the adjustment of our affairs; I am, however, sorry to add that this has not been the case. In the late interview I complained of the delay which had taken place, more especially as the court con- SIR: As it appeared by what occurred in my tinued to condemn our vessels on the principle it interview with Mr. Fox on the 28th ultimo, that had heretofore done. Mr. Fox said that, till the some weeks at least would elapse before I could business was arranged, he presumed the court hope to bring our business to any conclusion, I would be consistent, but gave reason to expect thought it proper to make a formal application to that the condemnations would be suspended. him on the 31st, for an order to suspend the seiHe assured me explicitly that the late decis-zure and condemnation of our vessels on the ion was not to be considered as an evidence of the principle of the late decrees. I had not requested disposition of the present Ministry. I endeavor- this in explicit terms before, because I hoped from ed to fix with him the conditions of our adjust- what passed in our first interview, that the whole ment of that question, but found that he was not affair would have been concluded much sooner. prepared to conclude anything. The tenor of his I was fearful, too, that if the demand should be conversation, however, was perfectly consistent granted, it would become a reason why nothing with what he had said before on it, as heretofore more should be done. This latter reason, it is communicated to you. The interview terminated true, still remains in some degree in force, if, in in his assuring me that he should devote the East- deed, it had any weight at first. It was, however, er holidays to a full examination of the whole outweighed by the consideration that the seizures subject, after which he would be prepared to meet were continued, and that I ought not, on a mere me on it, and that he was persuaded we might speculative point of expedience, as to the effect conclude it in a month or six weeks from that which such an application might have on the gentime; that he would certainly give it all the des-eral question, to delay any longer my utmost expatch in his power. He intimated that if, indeed, a peace should take place, of which there was at There were also some other considerations present but little prospect, he was, nevertheless, which prevented my making the application desirous of settling this business amicably with sooner, which had ceased, if they did not furnish the United States, with a view to preserve future motives, for making it in the present stage. The harmony. I told him that we expected payment new Ministry had a just claim to sufficient time for the spoliations. He said that that was a very to become acquainted with the merits of the ques→ serious and difficult point, but gave no opinion on tion, and even to sound the Parliament on it, beit. Finding that nothing could be done conclu-fore it could be expected to take any step in the sively, I had only to assure him that I should be ready to meet him whenever he might be prepared, which I hoped would be immediately after the holidays. From what I can discern. I think that there is much reason to believe that Mr. Fox has the best disposition to settle our differences on just principles; but it must be recollected that some other of the members of the Cabinet have not always thought with him on such topics. On the most deliberate reflection, I am convinced that too much reliance ought not to be placed on these favorable appearances, and that there is cause to fear that if the Congress should separate without adopting a system of coercive policy, calculated to meet the most unfavorable result, their forbearance may contribute to the disappointment of our reasonable expectations. By this, however, I do not wish to imply that measures of the kind alluded to should be carried into prompt execution. I mean only that the attitude should be taken, but its operation be suspended, by suitable powers to the President, till he shall

ertion to put an end to the practice.

business. Had I made the demand at an earlier period I thought I should incur the imputation of a want of candor, without a reasonable prospect of hastening a decision, unless, indeed, by urging it unseasonably, I might promote an improper one. To Mr. Fox, especially, much attention was due in the mode of proceeding, on account of his character and principles in reference to our country, which are known to be just and liberal. It seemed probable that, by respecting that sentiment towards him in the measures taken, his feelings, would be gratified and his mind conciliated, which could not otherwise than produce a good effect. His exertions on topics in which the United States were interested form an important trait in his political life, and it was evident, in our first and subsequent interviews, that he looked back on them with interest and satisfaction. This, therefore, formed a special motive for giving time and acting with delicacy in the business. At this period, however, the application seemed to be free from all these objections,

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