would have fastened on the core, they only nibbled at the rind. Instead of assailing the capital, they only braved the dangers of Normoutier and Poitou. It was this policy which produced the wretched and miserable expedition to Quiberon; which, however deep it may strike into the heart of sensibility, seems by no means to have made a deep impression on the minds of ministers-if it had, they could never have placed "satisfaction" the fifth word in his Majesty's speech; it was true, the blood of French emigrants only had flowed, it was not British blood which had been spilt, but it was British honour that bled at every vein. If all these improvements, continued Mr. Sheridan, were not sufficient to give the people of Great Britain satisfaction, the flattering prospect is held out of great conquests and indemnification in the West-Indies. That there was a great preparation was true, but the public wished to know why the expedition had not sailed six weeks ago; the delay was a great act of criminality in ministers; how much would that criminality be increased, when he informed the house that there was every probability that the fleet would not sail for a fortnight or three weeks longer; and at the present time, what was there not to be feared for our situation in these islands, in which there was not at that moment the complement of one full regiment of effective men? There were, indeed, the remains of six regiments of infantry, part of a regiment of light dragoons, and some artillery; but they did not altogether amount to the number of one full regiment. When, amid the gloom that surrounded us, we were to look, as a bright prospect, to our hope of success in the West Indies, he confessed himself dejected and dismayed. It would require a drain of men to insure success, which it would be impossible for this country to support. If 15,000 men should be sent against St. Domingo, and with that number we should be able to conquer the French part of that island, how many more would be necessary to effect the conquest of the Spanish part, not yet ceded to the French? and should we conquer all, what great and increased reinforcements would it be necessary to send to a country where, in addition to the opposition of an active, vigorous, and subtle foe, our armies would have to encounter more perils from the elements than from the enemy. The mortality in Grenada was alarming indeed; out of one regiment 14 officers and near 400 men died from April to

August last; nor had the sick and wounded in those islands necessary assistance. Men were sent into the hospital of St. Pierre, in Martinique, without medicine or attendance; and those who were so ill, that to continue in the climate would be certain death (and many of whom had lost a limb in the service of their country), could not procure transports to bring them home; 90 or 100 were stowed, without sufficient accommodation, into the Supply transport; nay, in one instance, in consequence of some dispute, many of our maimed and sickly countrymen were re-landed on one of the islands, and thus, from a criminal and murderous neglect, left upon the beach and abandoned to certain death. Could satisfaction arise to a good mind from the contemplation of such mortality? Were our hopes to be enlivened by the vain and illusory visions of conquests in that charnel-house-the tombs of British soldiers? Was this the cheering prospect held up to us-to behold our countrymen perishing under the fatal diseases of a pestilential climate? Would it not be a matter of more humane satisfaction to avert these calamities? Would it not be better to seize the first opportunity of negotiating for peace? "We, on our side of the house," continued Mr. Sheridan, "have told you before, to do as the King of Prussia has done; find out what government the French armies obey, under whose command and control they achieve such brilliant victories, and negotiate with them; we have told you to do as Spain has done; we now tell you to do as the Elector of Hanover has done." Mr. Sheridan next adverted to the declaration of Louis XVIII. He had suspicions in his mind, that it was the intention of ministers to act up to the spirit of this declaration, and to establish, if possible, the old unqualified system of despotism in France. Against such an object he must make his stand, as far as it could avail. To the support or increase of the naval force for the defence of Great Britain and her commerce, he would willingly give his hearty support, but to establish the dominion of Louis XVIII., he would not give a shilling of his constituents' money. If it were true, as it was suspected, that the heads of that proclamation were penned in this country, with the concurrence and under the direction of ministers; and that, in conjunction with Louis XVIII., they wished to advise his Majesty to exhaust the treasures and spill the blood of the country to restore the ancient

tyranny of the French monarchy, they deserved to lose their heads. This he had before roundly asserted, and he would now repeat it; in his mind, the minister who advised Charles II. to enter into the pay of France, was not a greater traitor to his country than our present minister, if he had acted as was strongly suspected. Why were the race of Stuarts expelled from this country, but because they entered into a league with France? and could any league be more destructive to this country than one with the house of Bourbon, who had been the uniform and inveterate enemies of Great Britain, its liberty, and its commerce? No association with the republic could be so destructive to our interest; for never were there worse neighbours on earth than the French during their monarchies. It was certainly possible that the conclusions which he had made in his own. mind might be erroneous, but, as far as he could judge of the spirit of their intentions, from the prevarication of ministers, he believed that they were simply watching for an opportunity of effecting a counter-revolution for the establishment of monarchy, and placing Louis upon his throne. This he believed to be the real view of ministers; and however other pretences might be made use of to delude the people, or satisfy the qualms of some scrupulous adherents, he could not but think that such was the true cause of delaying the restoration of peace to these kingdoms. Mr. Sheridan concluded by saying, that he would not move any amendment to an address which he disapproved of in toto; however, if any gentleman should propose an amendment, which would embrace three plain points, he would have no objection to vote for it-first, "That we could no longer burden our constituents with taxes to support the delusive and unattainable views of ministers in the restoration of monarchy, or until some form of government should be established in France, which they may not imagine to be incapable of maintaining the accustomed relations of amity and peace." Secondly, "That a strict inquiry should be instituted into the conduct of ministers in the prosecution of the war, and into the causes of the unexampled calamities which had befallen the country." Lastly, "That his Majesty should be entreated to take such measures as might lead to the speedy restoration of peace.'

In the subsequent part of the debate,

Mr. Sheridan explained, that the right hon. gentleman (Mr.

Pitt) by quibbling on the word "government," in a comment on one of his passages, had implied that he was desirous to adopt a new constitution. He knew not upon what principle it was that the right hon. gentleman imagined the existence of his administration, and the existence of the constitution, to be the same thing. Mr. Sheridan entertained such opposite ideas, that he looked upon the total annihilation of the right hon. gentleman's authority to be the happiest thing that could possibly happen to the constitution of this country.

The house divided—for the address 140; against it 59.

NOVEMBER 9.

TREASON AND SEDITION BILLS.

A report had been spread that an immense multitude of discontented persons had agreed to take the opportunity of the king going to the house of peers, on the 29th of October, to manifest their sentiments to his Majesty in person. This, of course, excited the curiosity of the public, and the park was on that day crowded in a manner unprecedented since the king's accession to the throne. In his way to the house of lords, which lay through the park, his coach was surrounded on every side by persons of all descriptions, demanding peace, and the dismissal of Mr. Pitt. Some voices were even heard exclaiming,—“no king,” and stones were thrown at the state coach as it drew near to the Horse Guards. In passing through Palace-yard, one of the windows was broken, it was said, by a bullet discharged from an air-gun. These outrages were repeated on the king's return from the house, and he narrowly escaped the fury of the populace in his way back from St. James's Palace to Buckingham House. On the 31st of October a proclamation was issued, offering a thousand pounds for the discovery of any person guilty of those outrages. On the 4th of November it was followed by another, wherein it was said, that previously to the opening of parliament multitudes had been called together by hand-bills and advertisements, who met in the vicinity of the metropolis, where inflammatory speeches were made, and divers means used to sow discontent and excite seditious proceedings. These meetings * and discourses were followed three days after by the most daring insults to the king, by which his person had been imminently endangered. Rumours had also been spread, that assemblies were to be held by disaffected people for illegal purposes. In consequence of those proceedings, it was enjoined by the proclamation to all magistrates, and well-affected subjects, to exert themselves in preventing and suppressing all unlawful meetings, and the dissemination of seditious writings. So great had been the alarm and indignation created by the treatment of the king, that as soon as he had gone through the reading of his speech, and had left the house, it was immediately ordered to be cleared of all strangers, and a consultation was held by the lords, in what manner to proceed upon so extraordinary an occasion.

An address to the king was resolved upon, and a conference with the

house of commons to request their concurrence thereon. The majority agreed to this measure; but the Marquis of Lansdowne accused the ministers of intending to seize this opportunity to work upon the passions and fears of the people, and to lead their representatives into concessions derogatory to the public liberty, and debasing to their character, in order to confirm their own power at the expense of the constitution. A conference with the commons was held accordingly in the course of the day, and witnesses were examined, in relation to the outrages committed. Their evidence was communicated to the commons, and both houses unanimously concurred in the addresses proposed. On the 6th of November Lord Grenville brought forward a bill for better securing the king's person and government against treasonable and seditious practices and attempts; and on the 9th of November Mr. Pitt moved in the house of commons for leave to bring in a similar bill.

MR. SHERIDAN rose and said, I must own that I have heard with more concern than surprise the speech of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) who has just now sat down. I did indeed hope and believe, that in consequence of the warmth and indignation testified by my right hon. friend (Mr. Fox) which to me were not the least recommendations of his speech on the present occasion, that deep shame had struck the friends and associates of the right hon. gentleman dumb. [A cry of "hear, hear."] Perhaps it may be conceived to have been unreasonable in me to have cherished such an expectation, or to have supposed that shame could have any influence in that quarter. But I argued well from their silence; I perceived something like shame in their countenances, and I was in hopes that contrition might follow. When the hon. gentleman rose, I still cherished the hope, notwithstanding repeated disappointments, that there had at last been found a measure of his right hon. friend too strong, even for him to approve. But I now find that, in supporting a measure which violates the fundamental principle of the bill of rights-the right of petitioning-the hon. gentleman consoles himself with the reflection that he is only doing his part to transmit to posterity the liberty we have derived from our ancestors. The hon. gentleman has discovered, that a regular conspiracy has been, for some years, going on against the constitution of the country. I do most firmly believe this to be the case; though, perhaps, I differ with him as to the quarter from which this conspiracy originates. The hon. gentleman has discovered that a spirit of sedition and disaffection to the government has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished. If this spirit exists at present, more than it has done since the