track, numismatists have made rapid and sure progress. Many additional specimens have come to light, in consequence of the researches carried on in the Holy Land. Spain has produced no successor to Bayer; but Cavedoni in Italy, De Saulcy in France, Levy in Germany, various writers in our own Numismatic Journal, the Revue Numismatique, and Kitto's and Smith's Dictionaries, have contributed to give completeness and accuracy to this science. Aided by their labours, and by the rich collection of the British Museum, Mr. Madden has been able to produce the beautiful, accurate and exhaustive work before us.

The Jewish coins with old Hebrew (Samaritan) inscriptions being thus admitted as genuine, and no evidence existing of a coinage previously to the Captivity, the question arises, When was it introduced? The first specific mention of it occurs in Maccab. xv. 8, where, in a letter addressed by Antiochus, the son of Demetrius II., to the high-priest Simon, besides granting him other immunities, he says, Kai ἐπέτρεψά σοι ποιῆσαι κόμμα ἴδιον νόμισμα τῆ χώρᾳ σου—" to strike a special coin for thy country." The relations of Judæa with Syria were at this time friendly; the father of Antiochus had remitted the taxes paid by the Jews; and, rejoicing in their emancipation and temporary independence, "the people of Israel" began to date their documents by the years of Simon the high-priest (Macc. xiii. 42). Simon was not slow to avail himself of the privilege granted him by Antiochus, and the series of Jewish coins begins with his first year.*

The emblem on this coin is one repeated by Simon in successive years, with varying dates. On the obverse is a vessel with the legend, bw pw, Shekel of Israel, with an N

* We have to acknowledge the liberality of Mr. Quaritch in allowing us the use of some of the woodcuts of Mr. Madden's work for the illustration of this paper.

(first year). On the reverse, bw, Jerusalem the Holy, with a lily or hyacinth of three flower-buds. The epithet holy appears to have been early given to Jerusalem, and it has been supposed that the name Káduris* was derived from the Hebrew Kedoshah. The emblems have been variously interpreted, the vessel as a representation of the pot of manna (Exod. xvi. 33), or of one of the sacred cups of the temple. The flower has been generally considered to represent Aaron's rod, which blossomed (Numb. xvii. 8), but the stem has no resemblance to a rod, nor the flower to an almond-blossom, and we prefer the explanation of Cavedoni, who refers to the prophecy of Hosea (xiv. 5), “I will be as the dew unto Israel, and he shall grow as the lily." The same type is continued, with variation for the year, to the fourth. The copper coins of the same year vary considerably in the symbols.

Here, instead of Shekel of Israel, we have 32, Shenath arba chatzi, "Fourth year-one half;" instead of the vase or cup, two branches or bundles of flowers, called by Jewish writers lulab, and between them a citron, called by the same writers ethrog. Instead of Jerushalem Kedoshah, we have on the reverse, bab, "For the redemption of Zion," and a palm-tree between two baskets of fruit.

These coins are anonymous, and it may be asked on what ground are they attributed to Simon Maccabæus? They have been assigned both to an earlier and a later period. M. de Saulcy carries them back to the time of Alexander the Great; the Rev. Dr. Hales, the rector of Killesandra, author of a voluminous work on Scripture Chronology, to the time of David and Solomon. His opinion would not be shared by any one at the present day; that of M. de Saulcy has more plausibility. According to Josephus,† Antiq. Jud. xi. 3.

Herod. ii. 159, iii. 5.

Alexander, while engaged in the siege of Tyre, had demanded aid and supplies of provision from Jaddua, the high-priest, and the tribute which the Jews had been accustomed to pay to the Persian kings; Jaddua refused, alleging that he had sworn fealty to Darius. When Tyre and Gaza had been taken, Alexander, the narrative proceeds, marched towards Jerusalem with the intention of taking vengeance for the refusal. Jaddua, in great alarm, was comforted by a dream, in which he was advised to go and meet Alexander with a procession of the priests, and he accordingly advanced as far as Sapha, a hill near the city, and there awaited the arrival of the Macedonian army, arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, with his ephod and his tiara, on which was a plate of gold, bearing the name of Jehovah. The orientals and the Macedonians were alike surprised, to see Alexander prostrate himself before the sacred name and embrace the highpriest. Parmenio alone ventured to ask an explanation, and received for answer from Alexander, that before he set out on his expedition he had a vision, in which a figure, habited like the high-priest, had appeared to him, and promised him success in his enterprize against the Persians. They returned together to Jerusalem; Alexander sacrificed in the temple, and the high-priest shewed him the prophecy of Daniel (viii. 6, 7), in which his overthrow of the Persian Empire is predicted. On the following day he granted to the Jews liberty to govern themselves by the laws of their forefathers, and exemption from tribute in the seventh year. The narrative bears strong marks of Jewish invention, and as neither Diodorus, Curtius, Arrian nor Plutarch, contain any notice of such an event, it has very generally been dismissed as pure fiction. Yet perhaps there may be in it an element of historical truth. The Jews had been favoured by the Persian kings, and while Alexander's ultimate success was doubtful, they may have been unwilling to commit themselves to his cause. He could not safely leave behind him, when he marched into Egypt, a place of such strength as Jerusalem. The experience of conquerors, both before and since his time, has shewn what an arduous and tedious operation its reduction by a siege must be. Tyre and Gaza had already cost him nine months, and every delay added to the difficulty of his enterprize. It was the interest of both parties that their relations should be

friendly, and it is quite credible, that having advanced with a hostile demonstration towards Jerusalem, he should be ready to accept its peaceful surrender. But in reference. to the question, whether the anonymous shekels which we have described could have been issued by Jaddua, it is obvious to remark, that the right to coin money is not among the privileges granted by Alexander, and that this right was one of those most unwillingly conceded to dependent cities and kingdoms. The edict of Antiochus, conferring on Simon the privilege of coinage, must be considered as its commencement, and though the shekels we have described, being anonymous, cannot with certainty be ascribed to him, the reasonable presumption is, that as soon as the privilege was obtained it would be used. Simon held the office of High-priest for eight years; the highest number yet found on these coins is four, being probably reckoned from the edict of Antiochus, as it is not likely that the use of the right would be delayed for four years.

Simon was murdered B.C. 135, and was succeeded by his son John, commonly called Hyrcanus. The political condition of the Jews fluctuated with the power of the kings of Syria. On the death of Simon, Antiochus invaded Judæa, and compelled Hyrcanus to pay a heavy tribute. But when he was killed in the Parthian war (B.C. 128), Hyrcanus recovered his independence, and being strengthened by an alliance with the Romans, maintained himself in power for thirty years, destroyed the temple on Gerizim, and conquered Idumæa. His coins, which are all of copper, are abundant, but they bear no date, and when compared with the preceding series shew marks of the growing influence of the Greek element.

• Justin, xi. 2, seems vaguely to allude to this among other acts of submission to Alexander. Tunc in Syriam proficiscitur; ubi obvios cum infulis multos orientis reges habuit. Ex his alios in societatem recepit, aliis regnum ademit." The use of the infula, a branch of olive wreathed with wool, was a Roman practice in deprecation (Livy, xxiv. 30), which Justin transfers to the East.

Here, instead of the national appellation of Israel we have the cosmopolitan name of Jews, "Jehochunan High Priest and the Confederation of the Jews," '710'0_720.* The legend is surrounded in the Greek fashion with a wreath, and instead of the lulab and the ethrog we have the cornucopia or poppy-head, borrowed from the coinage of Syria and Egypt. The coins of Alexander Jannæus (B.C. 105-78) shew still stronger marks of the Grecian element.

Æ

He assumes the title of King, and we have on one side of his coins Jehonathan Hamelek, on the other Αλεξανδρου Βασιλεως, with the addition of an anchor, a monetary emblem of the Seleucidæ, connected with the tradition of the origin of their race. The coins of Antigonus, again, B.C. 40-37, exhibit on one side his Jewish name and titles in Hebrew letters, "Mattathias the High Priest,” on the other Βασιλεως Αντιγονου. With Jannæus the Hebrew character disappears from the coins, and is not seen again till the first revolt.

Here several questions arise, connected with Hebrew palæography. In the interval between the time of Antigonus and that of Eleazar and Simon, were the Jews using the alphabet of the coins or that of our printed books, in their writings and inscriptions? When was the modern square character introduced among them, and how did it originate? Its origin occasioned no difficulty to the old school of biblical critics; Hebrew was the language of Paradise, and the Two Tables were conceived in the square Hebrew character. But the question is really a very difficult one, and has not yet been satisfactorily settled. Of its origin there can be no doubt. It has been traced by regular descent from the Phoenician‡ through various modifica* is the word used Gen. xiv. 3 of the confederate kings who were "joined together" in the vale of Siddim.

Justin, xv. 4. They were not willing that Alexander should monopolize the honour of a divine descent.

The oldest example of the Phoenician character is on the lion-weights of Khorsabad, which, if we may rely on the interpreters of Assyrian writing, belong to the ninth century B. C.