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young king Edward, than she would have looked for in any three princes that were in Europe.

His favourite companion was Barnaby Fitzpatrick, a young gentleman of Ireland, brought up with him from childhood. In 1551, the youthful monarch sent his companion to Paris to attend the French court, that he might acquire knowledge which would be useful in future life. The anxiety Edward felt for his favourite's best interests is shown in a letter to him, dated December 20, 1551. It is as follows: "We have received your letters of the 8th of this present month, whereby we understand how you are well entertained, for which we are right glad, and also how you have been once to go on pilgrimage. For which cause we have thought good to advertise you, that hereafter, if any such chance happen, you shall desire leave to go to Mr. Pickering,* or to Paris for your business. And if that will not serve, declare to some man of estimation with whom you are best acquainted, that, as you are loth to offend the French king, because you have been so favourably used, so with safe conscience you cannot do any such thing, being brought up with me, and bound to obey my laws; also that you had commandment from me to the contrary. Yet if you are vehemently procured, you may go, as waiting on the king, not as intending to the abuse, nor willingly seeing the ceremonies, and so you look not on the mass. But in the mean season, regard the scripture, or some good book, and give no reverence to the mass at all. Furthermore remember, when you may conveniently be absent from the court, to tarry with sir William Pickering, to be instructed by him how to use yourself." After some further directions as to his conduct, the king tells him not to forget his learning, "chiefly reading of the scriptures." Fuller observes upon this and other letters of the king to Fitzpatrick, that familar epistles communicate truth to posterity, presenting history unto us with a true face of things, though not in so fine a dress as other kinds of writings. Ascham, in one of his letters to Sturmius, speaks of the impression which must have been made in France by the duke of Suffolk and the other noble youths who had been educated with the king, and who had visited that country. He also mentions the abilities and acquirements of the princess Elizabeth in the highest terms. About this period, a learned Italian, named Cardan, visited England on his return from Scotland to the continent. He had some interviews with the king, and has left the following testimony respecting the youthful monarch. "All the graces were combined in him. He possessed the knowledge of many languages while yet a child. In addition to English, his native tongue, he was well acquainted both with Latin and French, nor was he ignorant of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish, and perhaps of more. Nor was he ignorant of logic, of the principles of natural philosophy, or of music: he played well upon the lute. A

*The English ambassador.

beautiful specimen of mortality; his seriousness manifested royal majesty; his disposition was suitable to his exalted rank. In sum, that child was so educated, possessed such abilities, and caused such expectations, that he appeared a miracle. This is not said as mere rhetorical expressions, nor does it exceed the truth, but in fact falls short of it." Cardan adds, "He was a marvellous boy; he had learned seven languages, as I was told. With his own, French, and Latin, he was thoroughly acquainted." He also relates a conversation he had with Edward, in which the latter showed that he was not to be satisfied with the imperfect statements then made on astronomical subjects.

The king's continued attention to matters of state is described by Fox, who relates that he was as well informed with respect to his affairs beyond sea, as those who were personally concerned in the negotiations. Also, that in the reception of ambassadors he would give answers to every part of their orations, to the great wonder of those that heard him, doing that in his tender years, by himself, which many princes at their mature age are seldom wont to do but by others. He was very anxious for the due administration of justice, arranging such hours and times as he considered would best forward the despatch of poor men's causes, without long delays and attendance. His attention to economy is manifest from many documents; it did not arise from a sordid desire of accumulation, but from a wish to spare his subjects as much as possible, and at the same time to extricate himself from a heavy load of debt which consumed his pecuniary resources.

He took great pleasure in active exercises, particularly riding, leaping, and shooting with the long-bow, as appears from his own journal, as well as the records of others.

The reign of Edward VI. furnishes the rare instance of a prince who could bear to hear truths faithfully told, and who listened to preachers that did not hesitate to speak to him with sincerity and truth. Fox says, "Few sermons or none in his court, especially in the lord protector's time, but he would be at them." Again, "Never was he present at any such discourses but he would take notes of them with his own hand." Latimer's sermons supply several instances of bold, uncompromising fidelity; he preached at court during several lent seasons in succession. In a discourse preached by Lever in 1550, we find equal faithfulness. It appears that there were some about the court who endeavoured to turn the king from his laudable studies and pursuits to the usual light and frivolous pastimes of courts; this indeed is plainly shown by his own journal. Lever boldly adverted to the subject in the following terms:

"It is not unlike, but if your majesty, with your council, speak unto your nobles for provision now to be made for the poor people, ye shall find some, that setting afore your eyes the hardness of the matter, the tenderness of your years, and the wonderful charges that should be requisite, will move and counsel you to

quiet yourself, to take your ease, yea, to take your pastime, in hawking, hunting, and gaming." And then turning his speech to such a one, he thus accosted him, "Thou hast no taste nor savour how delicious God is unto a pure conscience in godly exercise of good works. But all that thou regardest and feelest is voluptuous pleasures in worldly vanities; and therefore thou dost not perceive, how that they which be endowed with a special grace of God, may find more pleasure and pastime in godly governance, to keep together and save simple men, than in hawking and hunting, to chase and kill wild beasts. Yea, a godly king shall find more pleasure in casting lots for Jonah, to try out offenders which trouble the ship of this commonwealth, than in casting dice at hazard, to allow and maintain by his example such things as should not be suffered in a commonwealth. Yea, surely a good king shall take far more delight in edifying with comfort, and decking with good order, the congregation of his people, the church and house of God, the heavenly city of Jerusalem, than in building such houses as seem gay and gorgeous, and are indeed but vile earth, stones, timber, and clay. Such like answer ought your majesty and all noblemen to make, if ye find any of your counsellors more carnal than spiritual, more worldly than godly."

Knox also preached with equal faithfulness in 1552, shortly before the removal of the court from Westminster, boldly reproving the ill-conduct of the duke of Northumberland and the marquess of Winchester, even to their faces, as he states in his Faithful Admonition. Instead of incurring the royal displeasure by this conduct, a living in the city of London was offered him; he declined it from scruples respecting conformity, but he was still retained as one of the six itinerating preachers appointed by the king. Latimer was too aged and infirm to undertake the regular discharge of public duties; but we find him dwelling with archbishop Cranmer, and as a gift of twenty pounds, then a considerable sum, was ordered for him by the king at an early part of his reign, we may be assured that a suitable provision was continued to him.

Strype has given a minute and painful delineation of vices common at that period. It must be remembered they arose from principles implanted in the days of popery. The tares which had been plentifully sown now were apparent. To these evils the reformers continually refer with much sorrow; they doubtless tended to bring down divine displeasure upon the land. The profligate conduct of many among the nobility, even of some who professedly were attached to the reformation, shows most clearly the effects of divine grace, which alone enabled this pious monarch and others to resist the contagion of evil example.

Some good, however, could be said of the English nobility. Ascham, writing to Sturmius, says that the nobles of England never were more attached to learning. He adds, "Our illustrious king excels those of his own age, and even passes belief in understanding, industry, perseverance, and erudition. I do not

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learn this from the report of others, but from my own personal knowledge—and to witness it has afforded me much pleasure. I can say that the virtues appear to have taken up their abode in him." In reference to his listening to good counsels, Cheke, in a letter to the duke of Somerset, says, Wherefore, as his majesty hath always learned, so I trust he laboureth daily to avoid the ground of all error, that self-pleasing which the Greeks do call Philautia; when a man delighteth in his own reason and despiseth other men's counsel, and thinketh no man's foresight to be so good as his, nor any man's judgment compared to his own."

Considerable anxiety prevailed respecting a suitable matrimonial alliance for the king. A union with Mary, the young queen of Scotland, had originally been designed. After this was relinquished, some progress was made in a treaty with the royal family of France-the French king at that time was in some respects a favourer of the reformation; but the English protestants in general were much against a foreign alliance. Latimer spoke with his accustomed plainness from the pulpit, advising the king "to choose one that is of God, that is, of the household of faith; and such a one as the king can find in his heart to love, and lead his life in pure and chaste espousage with. Let him choose a wife that fears God. Let him not choose a proud wanton; one full only of rich treasures and worldly pomp." Besides the proposed marriage with a French princess, which at one period was in a considerable degree of forwardness, alliances were at other times proposed with a daughter of the duke of Somerset, and with the lady Jane Grey. John ab Ulmis, writing to Bullinger, in June, 1551, respecting lady Jane, says, "A report becomes common, and is current among the nobility, that the king is to espouse this illustrious young female. If that should come to pass, how happy the union! and how beneficial > to the church may we expect it to prove!"

In 1552, his beloved tutor was afflicted with the sweating sickness, a contagious disease which carried off considerable numbers. The king was anxious for Cheke's recovery. He sought it by earnest prayer. When told by the physicians that they despaired of his tutor's recovery, he replied, "No, Cheke will not die this time, I begged his life this morning in my prayer, and obtained it." Nor was this confident expectation disappointed. The recovery of Cheke was regarded by the pious reformers as a national mercy. They knew not the darker hour which approached, both with respect to the tutor and his royal pupil.

In the year 1552, the king was attacked by the measles and the small-pox. From the effects of these maladies he never recovered, though in a letter to Fitzpatrick he speaks of himself as fully restored to health. In April that year, he removed to Greenwich for the change of air, and continued to reside there

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the short remainder of his life, with the exception of a progress in the summer. During the ensuing winter he was afflicted with a cough, and symptoms of consumption appeared: but he was not less intent upon the welfare of his kingdom as to matters connected with religion. We find, early in 1553, a catechism set forth by the royal authority, which is generally known as "King Edward's Catechism." This valuable summary of the doctrines of the reformation is generally supposed to have been the work of dean Nowell, who enlarged it after the accession of queen Elizabeth; it will be found in the present collection. The king was earnest to procure uniformity as to doctrine, and one of his latest memorandums connected with the public concerns of religion has distinct reference to this point. With this view he had articles of religion prepared, which are very similar to the thirty-nine articles, set forth in the reign of queen Elizabeth. At that period the principle of full toleration in matters of religion was not understood or recognised even by protestants. But an important step towards religious liberty may be here remarked; although a declaration of assent to these articles was required of all who were public teachers in the church, the royal command to this effect did not direct any compulsory measures to enforce subscription, nor any severe proceedings, unless the articles were openly withstood or gainsaid, in which case the council were to be informed, that such further order might be taken as appeared requisite. Upon this principle the king seems to have proceeded with regard to his sister the princess Mary, as though he went so far as to prevent the performance of the mass at her court, he records in his journal that upon her answering that her soul was God's, and her faith she would not change, nor dissemble her opinion with contrary doings; it was told her that "he constrained not her faith, but willed her not as a king to rule, but as a subject to obey; and that her example might breed too much inconvenience." How different were Mary's proceedings towards her sister Elizabeth when she succeeded to the throne! The alternate obstinacy and compliances of Mary in her correspondence with her father and brother on this subject, appear from her letters yet extant, some of which evince mental reservation worthy of the followers of Loyola; doubtless they were written under the counsel of her spiritual advisers. These discussions with his sister evidently were injurious to the king's health.

The king's illness gave rise to ambitious projects on the part of the bold and unprincipled duke of Northumberland. He grasped at the succession to the crown, and resolved to secure it, if possible, to his own family. His designs were furthered by the king's sincere attachment to the truth, which made him deeply apprehensive of the consequences, if a bigoted papist like his sister Mary should succeed to the throne. He therefore listened to a plan suggested by Northumberland, whereby both the king's