his subjects; endeavour to inspire them with that enthusiasm which animated the French, and seek some other resources more suitable to his situation. But, if we were to grant him but a small sum that small sum will be of little service; and if a large sum, then the largeness of the sum, and the expectation of more, might operate as a temptation for the continuance of the war. It was not from the interference of the Archduke Charles, or of Buonaparte, that we were to expect the termination of hostilities. The archduke might be eager to repair, or at least to maintain, the military character of Austria; nor might it be unalluring to him to contest the laurel of victory with a great and distinguished rival in martial fame; let this be as it may, sure he was, that as long as England could pay, Germany would not refuse to fight. Then where were our hopes of peace? Mr. Sheridan then compared the relative loss sustained by England and Germany during the course of the war, and he wished that this comparison might be held up by an honest minister of this country to an honest agent on the part of the emperor. That comparison would show, that if the one had served us by a powerful continental diversion, we had purchased that service by the loss of our national credit. Indeed, if we entered into that calamitous calculation, it would not appear that his Imperial Majesty lost more men than we did; but that our losses were equal-that it was ducat for ducat-brave for brave-widow for widow. If that friendly expostulation were made to the emperor, he must have confessed that we have already contributed our full share of calamity. When to this we might add, that we have to contend against the combined fleets of Spain, Holland, and France, it would be also just for that agent to come to this conclusion, that Austria had rendered comparatively but little, and we the greatest service to the cause. Nor would he like to see our ministers break faith with the public creditor: he would be but little inclined to trust or continue any alliance with those who were not faithful to their engagements with their own subjects: for it was reasonable to expect that we should be just at home before we could do justice to others. But to all these considerations the right hon. gentleman did not think proper to advert. He ran from subject to subject, and dilated one vast variety of matter foreign to the question, promising us, however, a terrible fine speech on a future occasion, in which he would, doubtless, be

equally variegated and equally inclined to lead us agreeably astray in a blossomed wilderness of rhetoric.

The house divided on Mr. Sheridan's motion; ayes 87; noes 266.

APRIL 26.

SUPPLY.

A discussion arose on the misapplication of a sum of money by the chancellor of the exchequer, which had been specifically granted for repaying advances made by the bank.

MR. SHERIDAN thought the distinction taken not worth dwelling upon. The money was given by the house for the purpose of paying the bank, and the minister failing in this, had obtained it under false pretences. As the report of the committee of finance had been the subject of some animadversion, he should say a few words on this point. The right hon. gentleman had misrepresented what he had said upon this report on a former occasion. He had said that he considered himself responsible for every part of it against which he had not dissented. He believed there was no material fallacy in the report. The instructions under which they acted, however, had prevented them from proceeding entirely in the manner which his right hon. friend had justly preferred. He should now only say a single word on the taxes; for it was the custom of the right hon. gentleman to consider the taxes as unanimously assented to, if they were received with no marks of disapprobation on their first introduction. In no part of his speech had the right hon. gentleman fully met our situation, and many of the taxes proposed he thought highly exceptionable. They were as frivolous and vexatious as they would prove oppressive and unproductive. They also carried with them this additional calamity, as was truly observed by his right hon. friend (Mr. Fox), that they would not answer the views of the minister, who would soon be obliged to lay on the shoulders of the people an equal or greater load of fresh taxes. To that on plate alone he had no objection. That on tolls was inconsistent with every idea of propriety and justice; and the tax on newspapers he could not but regard as a vital blow struck at the liberty of the press, in the only manner by which a minister could dare to aim at it, by putting the inform

ation conveyed in them at a price beyond the reach of the majority of the public.

The newspapers were denominated a luxury, but was the dismal catalogue of miseries and distress which they now almost constantly contained, a luxury to those by whom they were read? The tax proposed went ultimately to the annihilation of cheap publications, for the instruction or information of the public. It was not surprising, however, that such ministers as the present should be desirous by any means to impose a check on their progress, or completely to accomplish their destruction.

A division took place on the resolution respecting newspapers, at the desire of Mr. Sheridan.-For the resolution 151; against it 43.

MUTINY OF THE

MAY 8.

CHANNEL FLEET, AND AUGMENTATION OF

THE PAY OF THE NAVY.

On this day the estimates were taken into consideration, for the purpose of augmenting the pay of the seamen, in consequence of the mutiny which had broken out in the channel fleet. Previously to stating them, Mr. Pitt expressed much repugnance to detail, as usual, the motives on which he founded the necessity of applying to the house for an addition to the public expenditure. He declared that, on the present occasion, he did not find himself at liberty to enter into a detail of the transactions that led him to apply. They were such that he felt himself obliged to say, that he would trust their judgment would induce them to concur in his motion, without making it the subject of a long discussion; nor was he able to enter into a statement of the events that had more recently happened; and if he were, he should feel a reluctance in doing it, as they were wholly, or in a great degree, to be ascribed to misrepresentations. To silence these, and to appease at once all discontent, nothing, in his opinion, would be so effectual as the unanimous decision of parliament on the proposal before them. He, therefore, thought it his duty to entreat the house to pass their silent judgment on the present case, while they coincided with the motion it occasioned him to make. He then moved for a total of £436,000 to answer the additional pay and allowances to the seamen and marines in the navy. The resolutions to this intent being read,

Mr. SHERIDAN said, he certainly should vote for the resolu tion, but there was a question he should propose to the right hon. gentleman, which might be answered without involving that discussion which he wished to avoid, or that mischief which he apprehended. In allusion to the new disturbances which were said to exist, the right hon. gentleman had said that nothing was so likely to restore tranquillity as an immediate vote in favour of

the resolution. But why then did not the right hon. gentleman avail himself of the opportunity of submitting that vote sooner, when it might have prevented the disturbances it was meant to appease? Why was it that the vote was to be proposed when information was received that new disturbances had broken out? Why did he not take immediate steps in consequence of the promises which were made? Why, instead of the slow and procrastinating mode that had been followed, had not the right hon. gentleman come with a message from the throne, recommending the house to take measures to carry into effect what had been done? He distinctly asked, then, why a fortnight's delay had taken place before any steps were adopted to carry into effect what had been done? How could they rely that even what they were to vote would be properly carried into effect? From the words of the lords of the admiralty, that they had come to the resolution of acceding to the demands of the seamen," that they might have as early an opportunity as possible of returning to their duty, as it may be necessary that the fleet should speedily put to sea meet the enemy of the country," it was plain that they did not expect that the seamen were to return to their duty upon that promise; but that some other proceedings would immediately follow upon it. The first step, then, ought to have been a communication to the house, and such a vote as this, passed with unanimity, would have perfectly satisfied them. He thought too highly of the character of British seamen, to imagine that this vote would not satisfy them; and if it did not, he should think more degradingly of them than he did at present. Misrepresentations might have induced them to do what they ought not to have done; but the right hon. gentleman ought to have prevented the possibility of such misrepresentation. He was convinced, however, that means of conciliation would be more effectual if accompanied with a vote of censure on ministers, for not coming to parliament sooner with some proposition on the subject.

Mr. Pitt said, it was a mistake to imagine that the proposition had been brought forward in consequence of any new occurrences.

Mr. Sheridan said, that he did not state that the resolution was now brought forward in consequence of recent occurrences. He charged the right hon. gentleman with the delay that had taken place. He believed that misrepresentation might have

taken place, but that misrepresentation ought to have been anticipated by some earlier proposition on the subject. He pressed the right hon. gentleman to inform the house what motive, what reason, what pretence, could exist for the delay of a fortnight which had intervened? He did not impute any responsibility to the admiralty, as they had done all they could do.

The resolutions passed nem. con.

MAY 9.

MUTINY IN THE CHANNEL FLEET, &c.

On this day the charge against ministers of procrastination was renewed by Mr. Whitbread, who declared, that it appeared to him of such consequence that he considered it his duty formally to inquire, why ministry had not, at an earlier period, applied to the house, and thereby prevented the dangers that had resulted from this neglect. The answer of Mr. Pitt was, that every proper step had been adopted to obviate the unhappy event which had taken place. Mr. Fox justified the censure which he trusted the house would pass on administration.

Mr. SHERIDAN said he was confident that not a doubt remained in the mind of any gentleman in the house of the shameful misconduct of his Majesty's ministers; nor had he any doubt but that they all felt regret at what had happened, and indignation at those who were the cause of it, as well as contempt for their incapacity. He should himself, if his hon. friend had not given notice of it, have brought forward an immediate vote of censure upon ministers for having delayed this measure, but that he wished that nothing should now stand in the way of pass. ing the bill. The reason which the minister offered as an apology for the delay that had taken place, was not to be endured under the circumstances of the time. The minister now pretended to say, that he waited for an estimate of the expense which will attend this measure. Did he really believe that the public were to be so insulted? He could have brought this estimate down to the house at the very hour after the king's proclamation was issued. He was ready enough to avoid all delay in granting the imperial loan; nay, so anxious was he upon that measure, that he would not wait for three days, although it was notorious that intelligence was expected to arrive which would put that loan out of the question. He was ready enough, also, to use all due diligence to stop the payment of the bank, and to