I

gentleman alone who attempted to justify these measures. have heard them also justified by an hon. friend (Mr. Canning), and never did I hear anything with more poignant regret; for what sensation but that of sorrow and regret could arise in my mind, when I heard that hon. friend plead the cause of bold and barefaced corruption, and thus cloud and contaminate with its foul fog and baneful breath, the pure and early morning of his political life? Would he now tell us that the right hon. gentleman had given a determined pledge, and could not now recede? Why did he? Who called upon him to speak? Was it to encourage his friends in Ireland by a display of his resolution? But that was unavailing, as the discussion and decision took place there before that encouragement could reach them; but as to the charge of urging intimidation, neither the right hon. gentleman nor his hon. friend, who answered me on a former occasion, had thought proper to say a word. His hon. friend (Mr. Canning), from his parliamentary standing, could not, indeed, have taken any part in the violation of the compact in 1782; and therefore his right hon. friend stepped generously forward and claimed all the shame, guilt, and treachery of it to himself. Like another Nisus he threw his broad shield over his beloved Euryclus, to protect him from the vengeful resentment of the Irish nation, calling out to them" Me, me, I am the man; wreak all your vengeance upon me

Me, me, adsum qui feci, in me convertite ferum,

O Rutuli; mea fraus omnis; nihil iste nec ausus,
Nec potuit

My hon. friend's abilities might, however, prove that potuit; and, as to his courage, he was satisfied the house had no reason to call that in question. The generous ardour of the right hon. gentleman to protect his hon. friend, was therefore only the impulse of affection

"Tantum infelicem nimium diletit amicum." But the right hon. gentleman again repeats, that a union is the only remedy that can heal the evils that afflict Ireland, or that can secure the salvation of both countries. He must, therefore, persist in it, and call on parliament to assist him in the execution of the measure; he is willing, however, to wait for a more favourable opportunity, and until the Irish parliament is convinced of its necessity. And what is that opportunity he pre

tends to wait for? Is it not the day and hour when Ireland shall be in a greater degree of weakness? Does he wait until he can again reproach her with her inability to defend herself, and threaten her with withdrawing those commercial favours she receives from England, and from which, he contends, are derived all the sources from which her prosperity arises? Alas! it is but too much in his power to create that moment!

Mr. Sheridan then recalled to the recollection of the house, the shameful manner in which Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled from Ireland, at a moment when he was supposed to have been sent over to grant to the Roman catholics the rights and privileges which they claimed. The cup of concession was just presented to their lips, but, instead of permitting them to taste of it, it was dashed in their faces. Was this the proof of a sincere desire to reconcile the Roman catholic body? And if he is acquainted, as surely he is, with the workings of the human heart, must he not be well aware of what men will do when provoked? We all agree, continued Mr. Sheridan, respecting the necessity of a connection between the two countries, and that nothing could be more fatal to either than that Ireland should be possessed by the French. Should we not then seriously consider how far the enforcing of this measure may tend to favour what the right hon. gentleman calls the favourite object of the enemy, and which I really believe to be their earnest wish, namely, the invasion of Ireland? Seeing it, as I do, in this light, have I not every reason and motive for imploring the house not to give it any farther countenance? Indeed, in every view I can take of it, it appears to me not only to be dangerous, but as childish a scheme as that which the right hon. gentleman has chosen to stigmatize so frequently with that epithet.

Mr. Sheridan then proceeded to vindicate Mr. Fox from the accusation of not having followed up the resolution of 1782. He showed that that hon. gentleman remained but two months after in office, and therefore could give it no effect; but did the right hon. gentleman himself, when he came afterwards into power, attempt to bring forward the objections which he had this night so triumphantly urged? Had he not now been fifteen years a minister without ever endeavouring to do that which, from the first, he deemed to be indispensably necessary?

He also affirmed, that an equal proportion of the Irish house

of commons, a large majority of the Irish peers, and an equally large proportion of the people out of doors, were friendly to the measures of a union; but if he would but look of what that division against it in the commons was composed, he would discover that it contained almost all the country gentlemen; while, if he examined who composed that on the other side of the question, they would be almost all found to be under the influence of the crown: if, besides this, the dismissals that had taken place, in spite of the fair character of those who were removed thus unjustly from office, it was a shame to speak of anything like an equality between those who opposed and those who supported the proposed union. Now, as to the large proportion of the people out of doors, who are said to be favourable to it, where were they to be found? He knew of no place but Cork that expressed anything like approbation of it, and, perhaps, Limerick also-but was there not a lure thrown out to the former, that they should have a dockyard built there? And, on the other hand, was not the linen trade menaced with being deprived of some of the means that tended to encourage it? Thus, to gain his ends, he held out a bribe to the south, and threw out a threat against the north-some inducements are also held out to the Roman catholics; a diminution of tithes, and an establishment for their clergy. But what prevents these promises from being now realized? If it be right to do it, ought it not to be done whether a union is to take place or not, and parliament be enabled, instead of holding out bribes and barter, to win, by these concessions, the affections and confidence of the Irish people? Another argument strongly urged in favour of the union, is the prosperity which Scotland is said to have enjoyed since it has been united with England: but might not Scotland have attained this increase of wealth and prosperity merely by the dint of her own industry? Besides, Scotland cannot be well compared with Ireland. In Scotland the gentlemen of property are found to reside, and to encourage trade, &c.; in Ireland it is the reverse. It is also said, that two independent legislatures may seldom agree; and, from this want of concurrence and co-operation, the most serious calamities may arise: as well might we say that two independent houses of parliament may not co-operate, because the lords may throw out a moneybill sent from the commons, or the commons may refuse to con

cur in the amendments made by the lords. The whole of these objections are completely refuted by experience; and to insist upon such objections, would be a libel on the constitution. French principles and jacobinism were, as usual, introduced in the debate, and made the subject of splendid invective. But what was jacobinism? Was it not jacobinism that pretended to make other states more free, independent, and prosperous, than it found them? Was it not jacobinism that called on other countries to resign their freedom, their independence, and their constitutions, with a promise to substitute something better in their place? If so, was not the right hon. gentleman, in proposing the present measure, acting the part of an arch-jacobin?

It is not my intention, sir, to oppose going into a committee, but I shall certainly object to your leaving the chair, for the purpose of moving two resolutions, which I shall, in case the propositions should be carried, wish to have placed before them, for the purpose of taking off, in some degree, that jealousy which the Irish parliament, I am afraid, will be apt to entertain of their passing this house, after the measure of union having been so decidedly rejected in the house of commons of Ireland. Mr. Sheridan then read the following resolutions :

"That no measures can have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connection now existing between Great Britain and Ireland, which have not for their basis the manifest, fair, and free consent and approbation of the parliaments of the two countries.

"That whoever shall endeavour to obtain the appearance of such consent and approbation in either country, by employing the influence of government for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, is an enemy to his Majesty and to the constitution." The house divided on the question of the speaker's leaving the chair—ayes 140; noes 15. The resolutions were afterwards read in committee.

FEBRUARY 7.

UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH IRELAND.

Mr. Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee, in order to take into further consideration his Majesty's most gracious message respecting the proposed Union with Ireland.

Mr. SHERIDAN observed that, according to the rules and ordinary proceedings of the house, the right hon. gentleman most

undoubtedly could claim the privilege of moving the order of the day, before he (Mr. Sheridan) could attempt to move the resolutions of which he had thrown out an idea, and his intention of moving them, upon a former occasion; if, therefore, that privilege was insisted on, he must postpone his motion for the pre

sent.

Mr. Pitt said that, though he had waited some time in expectation of the hon. gentleman's expected motion, he was nevertheless ready to waive his privilege, and to give the precedence to the hon. gentleman.

Mr. Sheridan then proceeded:-Having, on the two former occasions, in which the present subject was under discussion, trespassed a good deal on the attention of the house, I feel it incumbent upon me to take up as little of their time as possible now. I shall therefore only urge a few of the many reasons which might be advanced in support of the resolutions I intended to move. Indeed, I think it the more incumbent on me to say less at present than I otherwise should, because, though at the commencement of the debates on this measure I had the singularity of standing alone in opposition to the right hon. gentleman's project, yet several gentlemen, knowing what the state of Ireland now is knowing the irritation produced in the public mind by the agitation of this question-and knowing the marked disapprobation the mere suggestion of the measure has received from the Irish parliament, are now as much convinced as I am of the impropriety of continuing to discuss it here. This consideration I should have hoped would have had some weight with the right hon. gentleman, and have taught him not to persist in that pledge which he so boldly gave in the course of the first debate on this subject. The right hon. gentleman has declared, that to accomplish a union of the two kingdoms shall be the object of his life-not his political life, as on former occasions he has pledged—but his natural life. Happily, however, this house was as yet pledged to nothing, and I trust they will not join the right hon. gentleman in this. They cannot be mistaken with regard to his object, for he has fairly and candidly acknowledged it. The house will, however, do well to pause before they advance farther. As yet they have done no more than to refer to a committee on his Majesty's message, recommending it to the house to consider of the means of strengthening the connection between the two countries. The resolutions which the right