right hon. friend and himself, he cannot have that feeling of dignity and solicitude for honourable reputation which I am willing to ascribe to him. Among the arguments advanced by my right hon. friend in favour of the bill before the house, there were some that struck me to be very extraordinary indeed. (Here Mr. Sheridan, searching for his notes, found they were lost, which produced a laugh, and the hon. member observed, that his right hon. friend, he dared say, was not sorry that he had lost them.) My right hon. friend, observed the hon. member, complains that we should express our disappointment that the measure before the house is not equal to the expectation we entertained, and states that from the number of troops already existing, it was impossible to draw more from the martial resources of the country than this bill proposes to obtain; but my right hon. friend should recollect that the fault lies with those by whom our imaginations were raised so high. If we complain of disappointment, who raised our expectations? The right hon. gentleman, in the course of his opposition to the late minister, held forth such high promises-talked of what he would do if in office, that he would submit a measure of vast importance, &c.-that it was impossible not to have our curiosity and expectations strongly excited; but after all this prodigious parade of means in contemplation for the increase of our public force, what do we see? Instead of plans at all promising efficiency, instead of looking for an armed Minerva from the brain of this Jupiter, we see a puny, ricketty bantling, which, after being sent to the parish nurse, does not appear to have gristle or bone ever to attain the age of manhood. In truth, I cannot suppose that the right hon. gentleman himself thinks that this bill will procure men. The only object seems to be to raise a tax upon the landed interest, to inflict penalties and enact forfeitures. The right hon. gentleman only proposes to levy a tax in a novel way. If, by such a system, men should really be had, I am persuaded that the right hon. gentleman would be more surprised than any other man in the country; that he would feel as much astonished as he lately was at the wonderful discovery, that but few ballotted men gave personal service. Even supposing that the proposed number of men could be recruited, where, I would ask, are six or seven thousand persons to be found qualified to officer them? The right hon. gentleman must know that the thing is imposssible. But the mode

suggested to discipline those corps is really ludicrous. The idea of attaching one battalion to another is not unlike that of throwing a young woman in the way of an old man for the purpose of courtship, in the hope that, after the opportunity of what is commonly termed "keeping company," they will "come together," matrimony must be the consequence. Absurd as this may seem, it is not more so than that such a connection as that proposed in this bill, betweeen a battalion of regulars and one of the new levies, can tend to promote or preserve discipline. It is ridiculous to talk of discipline in a corps where, as in the new levies, the officers will be urged to ask favours of their men. If a man belonging to the regulars shall be found tippling with any of the new levies, he can plead that he was endeavouring to prevail on the other to enlist for general service-that he was only employed in endeavouring to forward the views of government. At such irregularities as these officers must connive, or the enlistment from among those new levies will not be productive. From an army thus constituted and so employed, what evils are not to be apprehended! So fully convinced am I of the mischief that must result from it as to think that, if the bill should be adopted, the most appropriate title for it would be "a bill for the destruction of military discipline." In considering the means of providing for the defence of the country, I am sorry to perceive that gentlemen, whose opinions upon other occasions I most sincerely respect, should look so much, or rather entirely, to the extension of our regular army. With respect to the army, however, I wish to observe, that in my opinion men should be enlisted for that service not only on terms limited as to time, but as to place. The latter regulation would tend to save the lives of many soldiers, while the policy of the former is so generally acknowledged, and has been so often discussed, that the surprise is, that ministers hesitate to act upon it. Upon this question, as to the augmentation of our regular army, I cannot forbear to say, that I always look upon such augmentation with jealousy; I would not risk the liberties of the country, by the enlargement of our standing army. If I were asked whether I would not rather trust our defence in the field against the attack of a foreign foe to regular troops, I would immediately answer in the affirmative; still, however, keeping in view the compromise between difficulties, the necessity of

securing our freedom against the influence and power of a large standing army, I would have our volunteers and militia aided by a due proportion of the regular army. The people of this country are competent to their own defence, and are ready to take the tone from those above them. They have regard for the high station which freemen may be supposed to feel; they have none of the slavish attachment to clans, but they look up to their superiors-and I use this word in its liberal sense-they look up to you, their superiors, with confidence, because you do not look down on them with insult. Give, then, to such a people proper example and encouragement, and you will not have any occasion to look for a large standing army to defend your country. The people of England know the value of the objects for which they have to contend. They feel that, from the constitution of the society in which they live, there is nothing of honour, emolument, or wealth, which is not within the reach of a man of merit. The landlord, the shopkeeper, or mechanic, must be sensible that he is contending not merely for what he possesses, but for everything of importance which the country contains; and I would call on the humblest peasant to put forth his endeavours in the national struggle to defend his son's title to the great seal of England. Acting upon this plan, employing proper means to animate the country, would render it unnecessary to hire an army to defend us or to resist any enemy. It is because I am satisfied of this fact-because I know that in this important conjuncture, which so strongly demands the valour of the brave, the vigour of the strong, the means of the wealthy, and the councils of the wise, we could obtain all that is requisite by operating judiciously upon the character of the people, that I object to the frequent call for an increase of our regular army, as I know that such increase must invest the executive government with a power dangerous to the existence of liberty. I like an army of the people, because no people were ever found to commit a felo de se upon their own liberty; but I dislike a large standing army, because I never knew popular liberty in any state long to survive such an establishment. It is upon these grounds that I disapprove of the sentiments so often urged as to the augmentation of the regular army, and particularly by an officer whose information upon military subjects is, no doubt, entitled to the utmost respect; but, whatever may be his in

formation and experience upon military topics, if he had the ability of the Archduke Charles, until he shall look at the whole of the subject, until he shall examine it as a statesman, with a mixed attention to the rights of the people and the military defence of the country, I cannot defer to his opinions. With regard to the principles upon which the present administration is formed, I shall conclude with a few observations. The cause of the exclusion, which is so much and so justly complained of, we are all tolerably well able to conjecture; but it would be, I am aware, indecorous to describe it in this house. I know it would be unparliamentary to introduce into debate any particular allusion to this circumstance. Of the personage, however, to whom it refers, I cannot speak from any particular knowledge; but of him who is next in rank and consequence, I can say, that that illustrious personage whose name I know my duty too well to mention, who stood forward at the commencement of the war, displaying a noble example of his wish to promote unanimity, to rally all parties round the standard of the country, entertains no political prejudice against any public man-though, God knows, he has had much to forgive. Far, however, from indulging resentment, I am sure that he would be forward to accept, to call for the services of any political character who could contribute in this great crisis to the safety of the empire. For the motion 265; against it 223.

MARCH 6, 1805.

ADDITIONAL FORCE BILL.

MR. SHERIDAN said, I rise sir, in pursuance of the notice I took the liberty of giving on a former day, to move for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the act of last session, intituled, “ An act to provide for the better defence of the country, and for the gradual increase of our disposable force." I choose to read the whole title of this act, rather in compliment to the feelings of the right hon. gentleman, than to call it by its general denomination, “Mr. Pitt's parish bill." It is impossible for me, before I proceed further not to observe shortly on the impression which seemed to have been produced upon the gentlemen on the other side, when I thought it my duty to give notice of this motion. Those gentlemen appeared to express surprise, not unaccom

panied by some disapprobation, that I should attempt to propose bringing forward such a motion. What excited that surprise I am rather at a loss to conjecture. Perhaps the right hon. gentleman over against me thought that the debate on this subject need not go on any further, conscious, no doubt, that the case stated by my right hon. friend on a former evening was but weakly supported; and that the answer of my right hon. friend who sits near him was quite sufficient, or rather that that answer contained matter so forcible and conclusive, argument and eloquence that overwhelmed us on this side of the house-that gave us such a shock that some time was necessary to enable us to meet it with any effect, to come fresh to the contest. Perhaps too, the disapprobation which was manifested proceeded from this, that it was deemed disrespectful to the right hon. gentleman to press upon him any further discussion of a subject, to the consideration of which he seemed so peculiarly unwilling to proceed. In truth, the right hon. gentleman did appear to be very bashful of this topic, and I am quite sure that he very reluctantly touches upon it at all. Another cause of the disapprobation I allude to, may be attributed to this, that my notice implied a doubt of the force of that reply which the friends of my right hon. friend have been so anxious to extol. It was evidently the supposition of the gentlemen on the other side that the hint should be taken from the disinclination shown by the right hon. gentleman to enter into this question, and that we should abstain from the performance of our duty. But regardless alike of the feelings of the right hon. gentleman himself upon this subject, as of the surprise or disapprobation of his advocates, I rise to bring forward this motion. It may be said, that any inquiry of mine into the military state of the country cannot be necessary, after the very able and comprehensive dissertation we have so recently heard from my right hon. friend on the lower bench on that subject. With those who argue so I should most cordially agree; but it will be recollected, that in the course of that masterly review of my right hon friend, he but incidentally noticed this act, which I conceive to be a disgrace to our statute book. It is natural that the gentlemen on the other side feeling this, aware that the act has utterly failed of its object, should disapprove of any attempt to ridicule its imbecility, or put a period to its existence. In endeavouring to accomplish this, some of those