was equally dissatisfied, but upon different grounds. The noble lord seemed to think that this Mr. Weatherhead had been calumniated, and accordingly the noble lord moved for a return at once more exact and comprehensive. What had been the issue of this attempt to rescue the character of this Mr. Weatherhead from this supposed slander? Why, in truth, no more than this: that he, Mr. Weatherhead, had not served in one ship only, but in twelve or thirteen, that he had continued in one a year, in another ship three months, in a third a month, in a fourth three weeks, and in a fifth five days; running, as it were, the gauntlet of the British navy; for it appeared that he had been actually guilty of desertion from each ship, though in the first return it appeared that he had deserted but once. But it was not more difficult to fix the station of this naval officer to a certain ship, than to fix his birth to a certain place; he had the singular good fortune to be born at a number of different places-(a laugh); he was first at Newcastle, he was born at Morpeth, and after some other birth he was brought forth in London—(a loud laugh). But there was another slight ground of objection to the character of this witness; in the month of September, 1803, he petitioned to be examined for a lieutenantcy, and to the recommendatory certificate of the different captains under whom he served, there was but one objection, namely, that they were all discovered to be forgeries. He was not anxious to press upon the house the gross and flagrant contradictions and absurdities in the evidence they had heard; he did not wish to expose the miserable wretches to the just rigour of the honest indignation they had so universally excited; but he would put it to the feelings of that house, whether it was not necessary to inquire how far those wretches had been the tools of a conspiracy; how far it was the duty of any agent or agents to inquire into the nature of the testimony and the character of the witnesses, more especially in a case where this evidence went directly to affect the seat of a member of parliament, to mention nothing of the danger of propagating groundless slander against a privy councillor. It was for the house to consider how far the agents are responsible for employing wretches as substantial evidence, whose character they might have learned (had they been ignorant of it) in the neighbourhood of Bowstreet, Hatton-garden, and Newgate; but he should abstain, he would keep his word with the house and not enter into any

remark upon the evidence. He had an idea of submitting some motion for the purpose of investigating the charge of conspiracy; he should, however, in compliance with the suggestions of those right hon. friends whose superior judgment was with him decisive, give way, and should now, through a sense of delicacy, retire, leaving his cause with confidence to the house, assured as he was, that the house would, with becoming dignity, assert its own character and honour, and, in doing so, preserve his.

Mr. Sheridan immediately withdrew.

AUGUST 7.

THIRD READING OF IRISH ARMS BILL.

MR. SHERIDAN declared it was a matter of astonishment to hear the question called for by something like a general voice. He had noticed the motion of his hon. friend, and the ability with which he had supported it, and he had noticed most attentively the eloquent and unanswerable arguments of his hon. and learned friend (Sir A Pigot), and many other hon. gentlemen; he certainly did think that something would have been said in answer to them; he certainly did think that something like an answer would have been attempted; he certainly did think that gentlemen on the other side would have condescended to have said something in favour of their own measure, after it had been almost overwhelmed with such a torrent of argument. But if ever Ireland was at once injured and insulted, it was that night; he conceived the silence of ministers on this occasion to be an injustice to the measure itself, whilst it evinced a total disregard of the gentlemen who spoke upon the subject, and through them insulted and outraged the feelings of the people of Ireland. The gentlemen who spoke upon the subject, pleaded the cause of the injured constitution of Ireland. They pleaded that cause in the most moderate and persuasive terms, and yet the most sullen silence prevailed throughout the whole body of his Majesty's ministers; they gave a blank instead of argument. Even on the introduction of the bill, when it was unavoidable to say something in support of the measure, the attorney-general did not pretend to say that he knew any thing of the existence of any facts, the existence of which was necessary to justify the adoption of such a measure; no, but he had heard something by rumour somewhere, about the existence of some

such circumstances. The chancellor of the exchequer was equally ignorant, but he had also heard of something that he believed had a strong tendency to resemble insurrection. Then, with respect to the bill itself, when he looked at it, compared it with that which had lately passed the house, he must say that if the former seemed odious in its form and substance, this was ten thousand times more so-it was really most abominable. But at the same time, as if it were meant to make the measure both odious and ridiculous, it was so constructed, as that it would plunder the people of their arms, and put down the trade of a blacksmith. Nothing like a blacksmith was to exist in Ireland, lest he might possibly form something like a pike. If ever there was an instance in which the liberties of a loyal people were taken from them, and they were thereby tempted to become disloyal, it was the present. Indeed, from the general spirit with which the bill was framed, he thought there was something still wanting, and he should propose to add a clause by way of rider to this bill, making it high treason for any man to communicate either of these bills to Napoleon Buonaparte, emperor of the French, lest he should conceive them to be direct invitations to him to visit that part of his Majesty's empire. He had already noticed the silence of the gentlemen opposite him; but if they should now think proper to drop a word or two, when he considered the high political character, the extraordinary virtue, and the vastly extensive powers of argument of those gentlemen, he should think himself highly honoured indeed, if they should deign to take the most trifling notice of anything that fell from him. He now happened to recollect what was said by a right hon. gentleman, to whose opinions they all deferred (Mr. Grattan), that notwithstanding he voted for the present measure with all its defects, rather than lose it altogether, yet that gentleman said, that he hoped to secure the reversionary interest of the constitution to Ireland. But when we saw that the constitution was suspended from the year 1796 to the present period, and that it was now likely to be suspended for three years longer, the danger was that we might lose the interest altogether; when we were mortgaged for such a length of time, a foreclosure might at last take place. But what had been done for the protection of Ireland? an experienced military officer, the secretary of state for that country, had been sent up the Baltic. (The chancellor of

If the

the exchequer said, across the table, "no, secretary to the lord lieutenant.") Mr. Sheridan then said, he felt himself highly honoured indeed by that correction of a supposed error. right hon. gentlemen meant to say, that the worthy baronet (Sir A. Wellesley) was too insignificant, he would defend the hon. baronet against the imputation of that right hon. gentleman. The baronet was secretary to the representative of his Majesty, and a military man ; he was sent up the Baltic, and you garrisoned Ireland with two arbitrary acts of parliament.

AUGUST 8.

PUBLICANS' BILL.

MR. SHERIDAN moved the second reading of this bill. He could adduce, he said, instances of the most atrocious oppression practised by the magistrates on individuals of this trade; he did not say designedly, but from carelessness and inattention. All that he wished was, that, when a publican was charged with an act which was to be esteemed sufficient to deprive him of his license, he should be informed of the nature of the crime imputed to him, and he should be heard in his defence; not that he and his family should be deprived of their livelihood by a whisper. This, he maintained, was not a situation in which an Englishman should be placed. It had, he believed, been objected against him (Mr. Sheridan), that this was the mode he had taken of canvassing Westminster. How truly this was alleged might be gathered from this simple fact, that one of the first measures moved by him in parliament was of a similar nature. Shortly after the riots in 1780, he himself originated a measure against the Westminster justices, in which he had the satisfaction of being supported by a most respectable minority. Shortly after this, the late Duke of Northumberland put an additional number of gentlemen into the commission of the peace, among the rest, himself (Mr. Sheridan). General Fitzpatrick, Lord R. Spencer, and other gentlemen on that side of the house, finding, during the immediately succeeding election for Westminster, that the publicans, through fear of the magistrates, all of whom were in the interest of government, could not be induced to open any houses in favour of Mr. Fox, though they had not previously qualified themselves as magistrates, they resolved to do so, and immediately advertised, promising their protection to such

publicans as should act impartially by opening their houses for the independent candidate. In this determination they could only find one of the existing magistrates who would join them, and add his name to the corps. Gentlemen, Mr. Sheridan remarked, might, if they pleased, think it a subject of congratulation, and that it conferred honour and respectability on the magistracy of Westminster, that not more than one man could be found among them to add his name to a resolution expressive of their determination to act fairly and impartially. He had only stated this, however, to show that the present was not an idea which he had now taken up for the first time. He had prepared a bill on the subject while he was treasurer of the navy; and so far was it from being an election trick on his part, that he did not mention the subject during the last election till the 12th day of the poll, whereas, had he meant it as a theme through which to court popularity, he would have set out with it from the beginning. If it was desired, he should be ready in the committee to go into a string of cases, the substantiating of any one of which he was convinced, must render it impossible for gentlemen of honour, feeling, or humanity, to have a doubt on the propriety of what he proposed. He proceeded to state the case of a woman, whose father and mother had been for sixty years in one house, in which they had uniformly maintained an unblemished character. She had succeeded to her parents, and supported in it, with the same propriety, a family of seven children, five of whom were entirely dependent on her industry. Being summoned before the magistrates, and informed that they could not renew her license; on her attempting to remonstrate, the only satisfaction she could procure was, "woman, you have had your answer." Her license was accordingly withdrawn, and she and her family were now reduced to a state of extreme poverty and distress. This case was not unknown to, and had attracted the commiseration of a noble lord and right hon. gentleman; but he (Mr. Sheridan) denied that it was consistent with the constitution of this country that any man, in any profession, was to be told, that at the discretion of any one man, he and his family were to be deprived of their livelihood, and reduced to misery. He had, he declared, thirty instances of a similar kind, which he should, if required, bring forward in the committee. He had several instances too, of persons having been deprived of their licenses for voting for