night, when we know the parliament have voted the union, "6 appeal to the people." I never can consent to such doctrine. There may be occasions, but they will ever be few, when an appeal to the people is the just mode of proceeding on important subjects. The present is not a fit moment to appeal to the people of Ireland, when, if we do so, the whole economy of our legisla tive system, the customary proceedings in cases which involve the rights and liberties of the people, the jurisprudence of the country, would be thrown into confusion, and all this at a moment when we are about to effect that which the parliament of Great Britain has declared essential to the peace of Ireland and to the safety of the empire.

The ground that honourable gentlemen take to press this appeal is not less remarkable. They do it because they would know what is the opinion of the people of Ireland, which they assume beforehand is against the union. If they believe this, let them give us the proof, for theirs is the assertion. But, Sir, I adhere to the opinion of the parliament of Ireland, and will not therefore consent to a convocation of primary assemblies, and of bodies of men to vote addresses founded on French principles, arrayed as they would be against legislative authority and constitutional freedom. However, did we even resort to the people, who would take the expression of their opinion, given amidst tumult, in the fury of passion? Who would assume that opinion as fitting to be adopted for the rule of conduct in a great political undertaking? On the subject of any appeal in the present instance, it would be well if gentlemen recollected what was very properly, and, as far as it affected to go, conclusively stated by the noble lord who spoke last. It cannot be unknown that the house never has adopted the determination of adverse parties immediately, but has acted on an opinion subsequently formed according to the change of time and circumstances. I know many who have entertained peculiar opinions on the affairs both of Ireland and England, especially during the present war, who have seen those opinions exploded by events; insomuch that certain gentlemen, under the conviction of the entire approbation * Lord Carysfort.

*

of the people of the measures of his Majesty's government, have retired from this house, have chosen to neglect their duty to their constituents, to desert the post of honour, or of danger, because those measures are approved of by the people.

Such then is the fallacy of the general opinions of those honourable persons who, added to the weight of their own very grave authority, ask us this night to resort to public meetings, there to collect the sentiments of a mixed populace. Could the appeal be made, what pledge do the honourable gentlemen give that the meeting shall be orderly, decent, and temperate? Those gentlemen have a ruling passion, which seems on all great occasions to incline them to unfurl the banners of popularity to the mob; but leaders have not less frequently paid the forfeit than followers. The honourable member has quoted a great master of human nature, to illustrate his opinion of a popular election. That poet, as if he had foreseen the period, as if the political intrigues of common halls had been familiar to him, has well pourtrayed the character of such a scene. The returns of members by common halls, and the subsequent return by scrutiny, have shewn how practised are certain politicians in the art of swelling the number of a popular meeting. Yet such seems to be the necessary consequence of popular appeals. When I consider how defective must be an opinion that is the result of an appeal to a people wholly influenced by a few factious demagogues, I must tell the honourable gentleman, I could not adopt the opinion of the people of Ireland collected at primary assemblies. But the people of Ireland approve of the

--

*Mr. Grey, in describing the clandestine manner in which the Irish petitions had been obtained in favour of the Union, had quoted the lines of Buckingham in Shakespeare's King Richard the Third;

"Some followers of mine own,

"At lower end o' the hall, hurl'd up their caps,

"And some ten voices cried, God save King Richard!

"And thus I took the 'vantage of those few

"Thanks, gentle citizens and friends, quoth I;

"This general applause, and cheerful shout,

Argues your wisdom, and your love to Richard."

union; they have in effect concurred in it; and it becomes the wisdom of the parliament of Great Britain to consolidate the interests of the two countries, by agreeing to a measure of which the certain operation will be to promote and perpetuate the prosperity, the power, the resources, and the independence of the empire.

And the three first resolutions were then moved and carried without further opposition.

November 11, 1800.

DEBATE on the Address in answer to his Majesty's most gracious Speech* on opening the session.

Mr. PITT:

Whatever variety of opinion may occur in the progress of the discussion of those points to which the speech from the throne, and the address to his Majesty, direct the attention of parliament,

"My tender concern for the welfare of my subjects, and the sense of the difficulties with which the poorer classes particularly have to struggle, from the present high price of provisions, have induced me to call you together at an earlier period than I had otherwise intended. No object can be nearer my heart, than that, by your care and wisdom, all such measures may be adopted, as may, upon full consideration, appear best calculated to alleviate this severe pressure, and to prevent the danger of its recurrence, by promoting, as far as possible, the permanent extension and improvement of our agriculture.

"For the object of immediate relief, your attention will naturally be directed, in the first instance, to the best mode of affording the earliest and the most ample encouragement for the importation of all descriptions of grain from abroad. Such a supply, aided by the examples which you have set on former occasions, of attention to economy and frugality in the consumption of corn, is most likely to contribute to a reduction in the present high price, and to ensure, at the same time, the means of meeting the demands for the necessary consumption of the year.

I flatter myself, that when the real question for the decision of the house is fairly explained, all differences must cease, and all topics of division be suspended. Believing it to be equally the object of

"The present circumstances will also, I am persuaded, render the state of the laws respecting the commerce in the various articles of provision, the object of your serious deliberation. If, on the result of that deliberation, it shall appear to you that the evil necessarily arising from unfavourable seasons has been increased by any undue combinations or fraudulent practices, for the sake of adding unfairly to the price, you will feel an earnest desire of effectually preventing such abuses; but you will, I am sure, be careful to distinguish any practices of this nature from that regular and long established course of trade which experience has shewn to be indispensable, in the present state of society, for the supply of the markets, and for the subsistence of my people.

"You will have seen with concern the temporary disturbances which have taken place in some parts of the kingdom. Those malicious and disaffected persons who cruelly take advantage of the present difficulties to excite any of my subjects to acts in violation of the laws and of the public peace, are, in the present circumstances, doubly criminal, as such proceedings must necessarily and immediately tend to increase, in the highest degree, the evil complained of; while they, at the same time, endanger the permanent tranquillity of the country, on which the well-being of the industrious classes of the community must always principally depend.

"The voluntary exertions which have on this occasion been made for the immediate repression of these outrages, and in support of the laws and public peace, are therefore entitled to my highest praise.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

"Under the circumstances of the present meeting, I am desirous of asking of you such supplies only as may be necessary for carrying on the pubfic service, till the parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland may conveniently be assembled.

"The estimates for that purpose will be laid before you; and I have no doubt of your readiness to make such provision as the public interests may appear to require.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I have directed copies to be laid before you, of those communications which have recently passed between me and the French government respecting the commencement of negociations for peace. You will see in them fresh and striking proofs of my earnest desire to contribute to the reestablisment of general tranquillity. That desire, on my part, has hitherto been unhappily frustrated by the determination of the enemy to enter only on

every man present to promote, to the utmost of his power, and to the best of his judgment, the alleviation of that distress under which the community labours, I cannot suppose that gentlemen will find any ground of dissension in an address, the chief purport of which is merely to thank his Majesty for the opportunity which he has given to parliament, of entering upon the consideration of the subject.

The speech, and the address founded upon it, comprehend two great leading topics. They state, and propose for the deliberation of parliament, the difficulties under which the public now labour from a succession of unfavourable seasons. They naturally point to an investigation of the causes of the calamity, and the remedies of which it is susceptible; and in allusion to the recent communications which have taken place with the enemy, they bring under review, in regular progress, the important question of peace or war. These, however, are questions which are rather to be entered for future deliberation, than brought forward for specific opinion and immediate resolve.

Upon the first of these objects, what does the speech recommend as necessary What does the address desire the house to do? In both, a strong and anxious feeling is expressed for the miseries of the various classes who suffer by the high price of pro

a separate negociation, in which it was impossible for me to engage, con, sistently either with public faith, or with a due regard to the permanent security of Europe. My anxiety for the speedy restoration of peace remains unaltered; and there will be no obstacle or delay on my part, to the adoption of such measures as may best tend to promote and accelerate that desirable end, consistently with the honour of this country, and the true interests of my people; but if the disposition of our enemies should continue to render this great object of all my wishes unattainable, without the sacrifice of these essential considerations, on the maintenance of which all its advantages must depend, you will, I am confident, persevere in affording me the same loyal and steady support which I have experienced through the whole of this important contest, and which has, under the blessing of Providence, enabled me, during a period of such unexampled difficulty and calamity to all the surrounding nations, to maintain unimpaired the security and honour of these kingdoms."